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German foreign policy from Bismarck to Adenauer: the limits of statecraft

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Free postage Image not available Photos not available for this variation. Learn more - opens in new window or tab Seller information alexthefatdawg Fundamental to National Socialist genocide was Hitler's race dogma Hitler's programmatic ideas about the destruction of the Jews and racial domination have still to be rated as primary and causative, as motive and aim, as intention and goal of the "Jewish policy" of the Third Reich.

Working closely with Andreas Hillgruber , Hildebrand took the view that such events as the Shoah and Operation Barbarossa were all the unfolding of Hitler's master plan. Hildebrand has argued that the distinction drawn by the functionalists between the Einsatzgruppen massacres of Jews in the German-occupied parts of the Soviet Union in and between the rest of the Shoah is largely meaningless.

In qualitative terms, the executions by shooting were no different from the technically more efficient accomplishment of the 'physical final solution' by gassing, of which they were a prelude. Though Hildebrand is a leading advocate of the totalitarianism school and rejects any notion of generic fascism as intellectually inadequate, he does believe that the Third Reich was characterized by what he deems "authoritarian anarchy". However, Hildebrand believes in contrast to the work of Martin Broszat and Hans Mommsen that the "authoritarian anarchy" caused by numerous competing bureaucracies strengthened, not weakened Hitler's power.

In Hildebrand's opinion, the "Hitler factor" was indeed the central causal agent of the Third Reich. In the s Hildebrand was deeply involved in a rancorous debate with Hans-Ulrich Wehler over the merits of traditional diplomatic history versus social history as way of explaining foreign policy. Together with Andreas Hillgruber , Hildebrand argued for the traditional Primat der Aussenpolitik Primacy of Foreign Policy approach with the focus on empirically examining the foreign policy making elite. Wehler by contrast argued for the Primat der Innenpolitik Primacy of Domestic Politics approach which called for seeing foreign policy largely as a reflection of domestic politics and employing theoretically-based research into social history to examine domestic politics.

Hildebrand has argued that Germany's position as the "country in the middle" bordered by Russia and France has often limited the options of the German government in the 19thth centuries. In regards to the Globalist-Continentalist debate between those argue that the Hitler's foreign policy at world conquest against those who argue that Nazi foreign policy aim only at the conquest of Europe, Hildebrand has consistently taken a Globalist position, arguing that the foreign policy of the Third Reich did indeed have world domination as its goal, with Hitler following a Stufenplan stage-by-stage plan to reach that goal.

Germany’s Foreign Policy after the End of the Cold War: “Becoming Normal?” - Oxford Handbooks

Through Hildebrand does not maintain that Hitler was a free agent in foreign policy, and accepts that there were structural limitations upon Hitler's room to manoeuvre, he contends that these limitations only had the effect of pushing Hitler into the direction that he always wanted to go. In Hildebrand's view, there were three other fractions within the NSDAP who advocated foreign policy programmes different from Hitler's. One fraction, whom Hildebrand dubs the "revolutionary socialists", supported an anti-Western policy with support for independence movements within the British Empire and an alignment with the Soviet Union.

Hitler's Foreign Policy Aims - The Lead Up To WW2 - GCSE History

Since , Hildebrand has worked at the University of Bonn as a professor in medieval and modern history, with a special interest in the 19th and 20th centuries. Hildebrand's major work has been in diplomatic history and the development of the nation-state. He served as editor of the series concerning the publication of the documents of German foreign policy. In a speech, Hildebrand denied there had been a Sonderweg , and claimed that the Sonderweg only applied to the "special case" of the Nazi dictatorship [20] In a essay, Hildebrand went further and wrote:.