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Mister B. Chet's Choice. Sentimental Walk in Paris Jazz -. Stairway to the Stars. Chet Baker - Candy. Baker Chet - Sweden Baker Chet - My Funny Valentine. Books Come se avessi le ali. Le memorie perdute. Chet Baker. La lunga notte di un mito. Funny Valentine. La vita di Chet Baker. Il mio amico Chet. Storia un po' vera un po' no del processo a Chet Baker. Sulla strada con Chet Baker e tutti gli altri. Cronache degli anni '50 e ' E nemmeno un rimpianto: Il segreto di Chet Baker Scrittori italiani e stranieri. Chet Baker in Italia. Racconti di vita e di musica: Music Chet [Keepnews Collection].

Eight Classic Albums. Chet Baker Sings. Higginson nel e infine una acclusa a una lettera del L a Thomas Niles, editor della casa editrice Roberts Brothers, nella quale la poesia viene citata come "the Snow" "la Neve". Una lunga serie di immagini che descrivono l'effetto della neve, non citata esplicitamente nella prima versione e richiamata invece in modo diretto nella lettera a Thomas Niles del Bacigalupo ipotizza un possibile riferimento a una poesia di R.

Emerson, "The Snow-Storm", del Ci sono altre due copie manoscritte, una inviata a Susan e l'altra rimasta tra le carte di ED, entrambe senza divisione in strofe e con alcune varianti: al verso 8 "free" "libera" al posto di "full"; al verso 11 "a" al posto di "the" solo nella versione a Susan ; al verso 12 "Showing" "Apparenze" al posto di "symbol" variante anche nei fascicoli, insieme a "Token" - "Insegne" ; al verso 14 "Yet, if" "Eppure, se" al posto di "Nought - that" solo nella versione a Susan.

In memoria di Elizabeth Barrett Browning, morta il 30 giugno Le sue "Ultime Poesie" furono pubblicate postume nel Il marito, Robert Browning, la fece seppellire a Firenze. Quest'ultima copia contiene tre varianti [i versi indicati sono quelli della versione intera]: al verso 21 "Coast" "Costa", presente come variante anche nel testo dei fascicoli al posto di "shore"; al verso 22 "can" "possono" [descrivere un Banchetto] al posto di "best"; al verso 23 "parching" "Una sete ardente" al posto di "Thirsting".

L'abbandono, la perdita, "Quel bruciante Sabactani recitato di continuo, qui" vv. Riuscire a eluderla sarebbe troppo, significherebbe essere innalzati a un grado che non ci compete vv. Per "Sabacthini" v. Un dolore intenso, impronunciabile, che ci invade con subdola lentezza per poi colpire all'improvviso, lasciandoci nudi, "scotennati", di fronte a un "fulmine imperiale" che non ammette difese. Would you - Say - Would you be the fool to stay? Then - on divinest tiptoe - standing - Might He but spy the lady's soul - When He - retires - Chilled - or weary - It will be ample time for - me - Patient - upon the steps - until then - Heart!

I am knocking - low at thee. Sto bussando - piano a te. But how he set - I know not - There seemed a purple stile That little Yellow boys and girls Were climbing all the while - Till when they reached the other side - A Dominie in Gray - Put gently up the evening Bars - And led the flock away -. Il fatto che ED abbia accluso questi versi alla prima lettera a Higginson, nella quale chiedeva un giudizio sulla sua poesia, rende palese il soggetto dei versi : l'apprendimento poetico, che inizia con lo scrivere "imitazioni" vv.

Ci sono altre due copie, con varianti minime: una nei fascicoli e una inviata a Susan. There came a Day at Summer's full, Entirely for me - I thought that such were for the Saints, Where Resurrections - be - The Sun, as common, went abroad, The flowers, accustomed, blew, As if no soul the solstice passed That maketh all things new - The time was scarce profaned, by speech - The symbol of a word Was needless, as at Sacrament, The Wardrobe, of our Lord - Each was to each The Sealed Church, Permitted to commune this - time - Lest we too awkward show At Supper of the Lamb.

The Hours slid fast - as Hours will, Clutched tight, by greedy hands - So faces on two Decks, look back, Bound to opposing lands - And so when all the time had leaked, Without external sound Each bound the Other's Crucifix - We gave no other Bond - Sufficient Troth, that we shall rise - Deposed - at length, the Grave - To that new Marriage, Justified - through Calvaries - of Love -. Venne un Giorno al colmo dell'Estate, Interamente per me - Pensavo che fossero solo per i Santi, Dove Resurrezioni - sono - Il Sole, come sempre, venne fuori, I Fiori, abituati, sbocciarono, Come se nessun'anima fosse oltre il solstizio Che rende nuove tutte le cose - Il tempo era di rado profanato, dal parlare - Il simbolo di una parola Era superfluo, come al Sacramento, Il Guardaroba, di nostro Signore - Ciascuno era per l'altro La Chiesa Sigillata, Ammessi in comunione questa - volta - Per non apparire troppo goffi Alla Cena dell'Agnello.

Ci sono altre tre copie manoscritte: una, limitata all'ultima strofa, a conclusione di una lettera al Reverendo Edward S. Dwight del 2 gennaio L ; una rimasta tra le carte di ED e un'altra trascritta nei fascicoli. Ci sono altre due copie: la prima nei fascicoli, trascritta nel ; la seconda in una lettera del inizio secondo Johnson a un destinatario sconosciuto L God preaches, a noted Clergyman - And the sermon is never long, So instead of getting to Heaven, at last - I'm going, all along.

Of Tribulation - these are They, Denoted by the White. Della Tribolazione - sono Quelli, Denotati dal Bianco. Dopo i versi, sempre in questa copia, ED aggiunse: "I spelled Ankle - wrong" " Ho scritto Ankle - sbagliato " ; al verso 13 ED aveva infatti scritto "Ancle" in entrambe le copie.

On a single occasion in , at the institution of the College of the Knights of St. Peter, Giulio de' Medici, then Pope Clement VII, awarded him eleven titles of the office of knight in return for credits totaling 9, ducats; he divided them among four of his sons, giving three to Ruberto. Until Clement VII's death in September Filippo's political position experienced only one real setback when he abandoned Rome for Florence shortly before the sack in to take the helm of popular republican leadership.

Having failed in that role, he was temporarily forced to pursue interests abroad. But by he had reforged Medici bonds in Florence and Rome and resumed principal residence in the latter city. It was only after several years of renewed papal collaboration that Filippo's seemingly unbreakable financial edifice began to crack with the death of the pope — Filippo's primary debtor and Medici supporter. Filippo still boasted a sprawling empire and had much to protect in the continued prestige of the Strozzi family.

But any goodwill toward them that remained among Medici at home was dwindling fast. Filippo's wealth and leverage among princes posed an immediate threat to the collateral line of the Medici headed by the dissolute Duke Alessandro, now in firm — and monarchical — command of the patria with imperial support. Alessandro grew increasingly suspicious of Filippo and his sons. At last, in December , shortly after Clement's death and after various skirmishes that took the family again out of Florence, Alessandro declared them rebels. Filippo's story merges at this juncture with that of members of the younger generation who are my main concern here.

In August , after a two-year stay in his palazzo at Rome, Filippo finally retired to Venice. Goaded on by Piero, he also began to organize troops for an assault against the Medici, only to be captured in his first major attempt in the Tuscan hills of Montemurlo on 31 July.

(PDF) Italian Translations of Poems by Maureen Seaton | Federica Santini - mudywehy.tk

The Florentine historian Jacopo Nardi recounted that Filippo's sons retreated the next day toward Venice, tired and defeated and with no alternative but to take stock of their situation and await a better opportunity to strike. Pietro Stromboli Florence, , pp. III [95], fol. V [95], fol. See Table 1 below. Florence, , Book 15, Chap.

Varchi's account largely agrees with those of Strozzi, Vite, pp. Both of the last two include the story that Filippo, once he made up his mind to believe Lorenzo, proclaimed him the Florentine Brutus — just one detail whose repetition suggests a strong narrative filiation among the various versions.

I have synthesized events highlighted in Florentine letters and histories in order to emphasize the intrigues and narrowly factional politics that brought elite Florentine patrons into Venice. Far from epitomizing the republicanism idealized in Venice and attached to Filippo in various romanticized representations that appeared after the events of , he and his kin differed little in kind from the Medici themselves.

In a very real sense, an entrepreneurial merchant-banker on the rare order of Filippo Strozzi — not unlike Jacob Fugger, imperial banker to Charles V — was at once invention and inventor of the princely sponsors who required him to stage their grand schemes. His identity depended on an exchange of mutually productive powers. Born into such a dynasty in the world of early modern power politics, a young man like Ruberto cannot have thought himself much less a prince's son than if his father had been a duke or an emperor, a difference he might have attributed to the winds of fate or to a slight disparity in style or ambitions.

For the Strozzi, empire and culture formed an indivisible alliance. As Pier Paolo Vergerio had put it, not only was "the ability to speak and write with elegance" — and, we might add, to sing — "no slight advantage. Filippo's passions for high finance and Florentine politics extended almost by necessity to arts and literature, in which he developed considerable abilities.

His brother Lorenzo wrote that on all those days that Filippo was free to plan as he liked, his time was divided equally between "the study of letters, private business, and private pleasures and delights. See also Gelli's commentary in Nardi, Istorie n. Filippo was the dedicatee of Pisano's edition of Apuleis, on which see Frank A. D'Accone hesitated to link too securely the identity of this Pisano with that of the musician, but his doubts are certainly cleared up by Varchi's reference to Pisano as an "eccellente musico in que' tempi, che grande e giudizioso letterato" as noted by Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," p.

The madrigal was included in the first layer of B-Bc, MS Only a few settings of Filippo's poetry are known today, but given the exclusive patterns of patronage that obtained with Florentine patrons it seems likely that others ones for which he commissioned settings, for example simply are not extant. The findings of Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," suggest that literary patrons wrote many more verses for commissioned settings than now survive; see also Thomas W. Apropos, it might be of interest that while in Lyons Capponi wrote Filippo, then in Venice, to send thanks for a capitolo Filippo had composed for him — for singing to music?

III [95], fols. The pains Filippo took to reinforce his cultural hegemony naturally included his immediate family. He attended to the humanistic education of his sons by hiring noted tutors and later sending his sons to the Studio in Padua. Girolamo Parabosco's description of Ruberto as having "rare judgment in all sciences" may therefore reveal more than the usual hyperbole, [28] for Ruberto's education not only included the Paduan stint but tutoring in Greek letters and law with Varchi.

Ruberto and his brothers sang part music like their father and uncle, as shown by a letter of 19 November first noted by Agee that Ruberto's Lyons-based relative Lionardo Strozzi wrote him in Rome. Similmente fece per carnevale in maschera per le case le canzoni. Tillman Merritt by Sundry Hands, ed. Laurence Berman Cambridge, Mass. Jan LaRue et al. New York, ; repr. New York, , pp. Gaetano Milanesi, 3 vols. Florence, , Among the most striking aspects of Florentine epistolary exchange are the elitist postures adopted time and again in patrimonial ploys and in the Florentines' observations of outsiders.

Florentines pursue what is rare and new, unknown, and decidedly private. In the first and best known of their letters, from Ruberto, in Venice, to Varchi of 27 March , Ruberto described his attempt to have an epigram of Varchi's set by Willaert and asked Varchi in return to compose a madrigal in honor of "Madonna Pulissena" undoubtedly Pecorina. Ruberto's assumption that he would wield influence with the chapelmaster is remarkable in itself.

But even more so is the clandestine, cocky way he went about the whole venture. Linking sexual and cultural conquest in a single identity that placed stealth at the strategic node of a sacred bond, Ruberto expressed his hopes through the conjuncture of culture and combat: "I don't want to tell you not to speak to a soul on earth about this [madrigal], because I would do you an injury, as if I lacked faith in you; yet I have more faith in you than the Hungarians have in their swords.

Lionardo's letter of 19 November evinces the same Florentine attitude toward sharing music. Ruberto's request was specifically meant to procure new and unknown music from the Lyonnaise contingent. Lionardo hopes that a canzone that arrived from Florence some eight days earlier will serve; if it's already known in Rome, he'll get some other new pieces for them — not hard for him to do since, as he boasts, a friend in Florence always sends along Arcadelt's latest things.

The entire letter turns on this issue of having the latest pieces on hand — and only for restrictive, private use. Strozzi's outrageousness doesn't stop there; witness the salutation that he juxtaposes immediately afterward: "Fate, lo abbia quanto prima meglio; e senza altro dirvi, raccomandomi a voi per infinita saecula saeculorum Amen. See Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," pp. This was the same tight vise that gripped the new Venetian-styled madrigals of Willaert and Rore. In Ruberto's employee Pallazzo da Fano angled to have Strozzi send him a new madrigal of Rore's written for Capponi, should he be able to get hold of it.

And truly not a man will have your madrigal that you sent me, for I know the one to whom I sent it to be of messer Nerio's kind" emphasis mine. Capponi's tightfistedness was the very quality that so astonished the low-born Antonfrancesco Doni. When his exiled compatriot Francesco Corboli took him to Capponi's salon, Doni was already beginning to fashion a career out of the new livelihood to be earned from the Venetian printing industry and was squirreling away musical works for his forthcoming Dialogo della musica.

He claimed to be agog on his first encounter with Venetian music making there — not only at the dazzling musical scene but at the total inaccessibility of the music. One evening I heard a concert of violoni and voices in which she played and sang together with other excellent spirits. The perfect master of that music was Adrian Willaert, whose studious style, never before practiced by musicians, is so tightly knit, so sweet, so right, so miraculously suited to the words that I confess to never having known what harmony was in all my days, save that evening.

The devotee of this music and lover of such divine composition is a gentleman, a most excellent spirit, Florentine as well, called Messer Neri Caponi, to whom I was introduced by Messer Francesco Corboli [another Florentine] and thanks to whom I listened, saw, and heard such divine things. This Messer Neri spends hundreds of ducats every year on such talent, and keeps it to himself; not even if it were his own father would he let go one song.

My investigations of Strozzi's whereabouts as summarized in Table 1 below indicate that the date must be On this issue see Jane A. Neri Caponi: al quale per mezzo di M. Questo M. Francesco Malipiero and Virginio Fagotto, Collana di musiche veneziane inedite e rare, no. Many have assumed, with good reason, that the music Doni heard at Capponi's house included works printed only fifteen years later in the Musica nova. Francesco dalla Viola's dedication of the printed volume maintained that the pieces in the Musica nova had been "hidden and buried" so that no one could use them and that consequently "the world came to be deprived" of its contents.

This repertorial link gives a very good idea about one aspect of the musical fare at ca' Capponi — or, more precisely, about its compositional substance. Doni offers his Piacentine dedicatee little in the way of concrete information about the. Walter Gerstenberg and Hermann Zenck, vol.

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The documents surrounding this exchange are now reprinted together with numerous new ones in Richard J. See also David S. Doni fashioned for his Dialogo a sonnet of his own in homage to Pecorina, A la bella concordia unica e rara p. In a passage in Chapter 19 of his Germani de musica verbali ca. Together, however, Doni and Ganassi corroborate at least two aspects of the academy's structural makeup: first, that Willaert's role was that of a kind of Promethean maestro, "principio" of what Ganassi called Capponi's "divino e sacro collegio"; and second, that the academy presented itself through the double claims of novelty and exclusivity.

Doni's account also confirms various contemporaneous representations of Pecornia that identify her as a central interpreter of Willaert's music. As we saw, Ruberto Strozzi in requested his teacher Varchi to compose a madrigal text in her honor most likely Quando col dolce suono, later set by Arcadelt, as Agee believes. Indeed Pecorina was so directly identified with the collection that it came to be nicknamed after her. Willaert himself set another madrigal lauding Pecorina, the still-anonymous text Qual dolcezza giamai. In treble-dominated pieces we would expect that viols often accompanied voices, but Doni leaves us maddeningly uninformed as to whether instruments played some parts alone, without doubling voices — a signal point in madrigals so textually conceived as those in the Musica nova.

Con un discorso in materia de satira Venice, , fol. Among other things, the article includes Lowinsky's discovery of a sixteenth-century handwritten notation, "La Pecorina di Ms. Adrian," in a set of part books of the Musica nova in Treviso; see ibid. It glossed Petrarch's praise of Laura from the fourth stanza of the canzone Chiare freshe et dolci acque, where flowers falling about her seem to say "qui regna amore" no. Neither this nor any of the celebratory texts or surviving accounts of her support the assumption routinely made by earlier writers that Pecorina was a courtesan.

In its emphasis on how moving her singing is, lauding her power to transform the natural bodies of earth, sea, and sky, it fashions her image instead as that of a divine enchantress, attracting the beneficent notice of heaven by calling the harmonies of heavenly love to earth. She was thus almost undoubtedly a gentildonna, as Doni called her, styled after the musically skilled donne di palazzo Castiglione described in Book 3 of Il cortegiano.

See also Donna G. Cardamone, ed. The notion that music making by women was universally regarded in the sixteenth century as leading to licentiousness is put to rest by H. His central topic, a portrait in the Spada Gallery of Rome by an unidentified north Italian painter, depicts a gentildonna with lira and the cantus part of a strambotto setting. Similar iconography can be seen in other representations of the time, for example in Habiti d'huomeni e donne venetiane Venice, , an engraving from which is reproduced in Gaspara Stampa, Rime, ed.

Maria Bellonci and Rodolfo Ceriello, 2d ed. Milan, , p. The difficulty of reading evidence to determine whether or not sixteenth-century women were courtesans must be understood to originate in contemporaneous tensions over the appropriation of styles. The idea that women who made music were prostitutes was promoted in satiric literature such as Pietro Aretino's Ragionamenti Venice, [] ; see also Fenaruolo's capitolo to Willaert cited in n.

Mario Marti Florence, , pp. But Bembo's letter, probably anticipating an eventual public readership, must be interpreted in the context of his concerns about Helena's illegitimacy and his ultimately successful efforts to establish her within patrician society: two years after the letter was written he married her off to the Venetian nobleman Pietro Gradenigo see Chap.

The configuration of Capponi's academy as I have described it raises questions about the changing place of madrigals in private aristocratic homes. With Willaert installed as director, Pecorina as prima donna, and other top musicians as the corps of singers and instrumentalists those "altri spiriti eccellenti" who played and sang , all producing what Doni called "concerti," did Capponi, the accomplished part singer and student of Ganassi, still participate in music making as he had in Lyons? Could he have set up his academy to include him as singer or violist? Probably not, or at least not with as much regularity.

The metrical instabilities and contrapuntal independence of Willaert's madrigals would have made them more difficult for amateur singers than the madrigals and chansons of Arcadelt and Layolle sung at Lyons. Most likely secular settings of slightly older vintage complemented the new fare by Willaert and his circle, as happens in Doni's Dialogo della musica.

There may well have been simple ricercars and instrumental arrangements of vocal music playable by nonprofessionals like Capponi, similar to those Ganassi used to illustrate his manuals. But based on the descriptions of Capponi's academy by Doni and Ganassi and the imitations of Willaert's madrigals made by members of his cappella who were both singers and composers, it seems inconceivable that professionals did not play the largest role in performing the music heard at Capponi's house at least on important evenings attended by outsiders like Doni.

Unlike the symmetries described in accounts of earlier meetings, where nobles appear to stand on fairly equal ground, Capponi's new accademie observed a definite structural hierarchy however shadowy and inaccessible they may have been. Meetings now pointed hierarchically to two patriarchal figures, the master of ceremonies and the musical director. I have belabored this shift and the state of Florentine expatriate patronage generally not because Florentines offered the exclusive or even the primary venues for Venetian madrigals at midcentury though I believe theirs were crucial ones , but because the conditions of Florentine patronage helped inaugurate a direction of great stylistic and social importance for madrigals generally.

Secular music making in the early sixteenth century, as described by Castiglione, was a central occupation of courtly noblemen, one of their masks and avocations. From the time of Filippo's and Lorenzo's involvement in carnival, their singing of Lamentations, polyphonic canzoni, and probably chansons, to their promotion of the new genre of Florentine and Roman madrigals by Festa, Layolle, and Arcadelt, noble patrons shared domestic.

His Madrigali a cinque voci, published in , was the first book to imitate Willaert's settings printed much later in the Musica nova; see Chap. It was the patrons themselves who performed, if with the occasional addition of more expert practitioners like Layolle and we may imagine Pisano.

Whatever went on in Capponi's salon, the newer madrigals were probably no longer the principal province of Capponi and his peers, except in the noblemen's roles as owners, overseers, and auditors. The courtly amateur was gradually becoming the ceremonial host, a position that would become commonplace later in the sixteenth century.

Neri Capponi evidently resided in Venice from at least until Like most other Florentine exiles, Capponi lacked the intense interest in republican revolution that fueled the Strozzi sons. Despite his close financial ties to Filippo Strozzi, who had not only made him manager of the Lyons bank in but an executor of his will in , [55] nothing in contemporary histories connects him with efforts at Medicean overthrow. Once Filippo had passed away and Cosimo's rule had been securely consolidated, Capponi probably shared the doubts then growing within the exile community about the efficacy of the Strozzi's continued anti-Medicean schemes.

Like so many other fuorusciti, chances are he slipped back into the shadows of his native city, disappearing from prominence as soon as it was safe enough to do so quietly. Ruberto Strozzi, on the other hand, continued training his thoughts on revolutionary schemes to play French supporters of the republic against the imperial backers of Cosimo's monarchy. Ruberto's political burden was heavy. By he was apparently the only one of Filippo's male heirs who had reached his majority still in his father's good graces.

Because of his quixotic, itinerant existence after the family was banished from Florence in , tracking Ruberto's movements is not easy. I offer a provisional attempt for the decade from to in Table 1, based primarily on the evidence of locations to which selected letters were addressed. Ruberto's correspondents. V, Salviati at Contrapo; also to his brother the Migliore Covoni. Migliore Covoni in Venice; asks him to send regards to "messer Neri" and show the letter to him and other friends; implies he will soon go to Venice.

CS, V, Furio Diaz, vol. In these years the Strozzi probably kept a lively household in Venice. Ruberto's teacher Ganassi, in dedicating to him the Regola rubertina glossing his student's name , hinted that the Strozzi salon was one of the most active in the city: "since there is a harmony. Some of my information derives from internal remarks in letters, as noted.

Pietro Aretino, 6 vols. Paris, , '; mod. Lettere sull'arte di Pietro Aretino, commentary by Fidenzio Pertile, ed. Ettore Camesasca, 3 vols. Patricia H. David Rosand New York, , p. On the portrait itself see Harold E. New York, , vol.

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Wethey, following Gronau, placed Ruberto and his wife in Venice from until , but this is misleading cf. Table I. BMB, ser. Giannotti's correspondence is a rich source of news about the exiled community. He wonders if the work was procured from the Strozzi house in Venice. Since Giannotti calls it both a "cantafavola" and "commedia," the work was probably a light one — a pastoral, fable, or fairy tale — and quite possibly to be done with singing.

The Nuovo dizionario della lingua italiana defines cantafavola as a "frivolous fiction. By the time Parabosco dedicated his Madrigali a cinque voci to Ruberto in , Ruberto's ties to Venice had become far more tenuous. Parabosco's is the only surviving musical dedication to Strozzi aside from Ganassi's, yet it shows only a passing acquaintance with him — tellingly, considering Parabosco's usual inclination to flaunt as much familiarity as he could get away with.

Here Parabosco instead fashioned a paradoxical opposition of his humble gift with Strozzi's grand station to frame a conceit congratulating his own presumption in risking the dedication. My Lord, knowing music to be as pleasing to you as it is made pleasing to the whole world by your infinite virtues and kindnesses, I did not want to fail to make you a present of these little notes of mine, such as they may be. This, which others would perhaps have desisted from making, has like everything else spurred me on and entreated me.

Many, my Lord, being ashamed of the humbleness of their gift, or fearing your judgment, would not have done this, but I make you a gift of these little efforts of mine most boldly. I will not be ashamed to present them to you because they are poor, nor will I be afraid because they are not revised.

As Though I Had Wings: The Lost Memoir

For I am certain that in the greatness of your merits and your judgment, they will be what every large present is. For into the great sea the big rivers disperse just like the little rivulets, and it thus receives one just like the other, benignly and courteously. I do not rest without kissing your hand, infinitely joining my affection to you. Your most devoted servant Girolamo Parabosco. But the dedication evidently failed to further the ambitions of either party. There is no evidence of Ruberto's involvement with music after this time.

Parabosco's book was never reprinted, and after it he all but quit musical composition, never replacing the high-brow Venetian madrigal with anything that could have brought him a wider musical audience. In sum, the state of affairs concerning Strozzi in the early forties is arresting in two respects: first, his pet object of patronage was the gifted but at first little-known. Molti signor mio vergognandosi per la poverta del presente, o temendo il giuditio di V. Adriano novamente da lui composti et posti in luce [Venice, ].

Rore, for whom he remains the main Italian patron known to us before Rore's employment by the dukes of Ferrara the other being Capponi ; [66] and second, Strozzi resided during that period in the same city with which Rore's early madrigal style is identified — even though Rore's own biography remains cryptic. When Pallazzo da Fano's letter was written, surely in November , Rore had apparently been composing in Brescia, where he seems to have been based, and in Venice, where da Fano says the composer traveled and delivered madrigals to Neri Capponi. Wherever Rore's madrigals for Strozzi were composed, therefore, Venice formed a point of convergence for both composer and patron in the early forties, entangled in the larger web of circumstances and interrelations there.

Despite this Venetian nexus we cannot infer with any confidence the actual compositions Rore wrote for Strozzi by contrast with those Willaert wrote for Capponi. Presumably they consisted mostly of madrigals and perhaps secondarily motets, similar in style to the ones Rore published in and the Strozzi correspondence mentions Rore's secular works only with the generic "madrigali.

It hardly seems possible that these were the same works included in Rore's first and second books of madrigals, for why would he have published them? Ruberto's move from Venice to Ferrara — a court in sympathy with the anti-Medicean French king from whom he hoped for support — took place no later than October When da Fano's letter was written, in other words, Ruberto had just left Venice. It seems revealing that Rore should have landed in Ferrara just a few years after Strozzi's dealings with the Ferrarese were intensifying, and it is certainly possible that Strozzi could have been influential in securing Rore's foothold there.

The impression Rore's musical portfolio made in Ferrara may well mark the beginning of intense Ferrarese interest in Venetian repertory, an interest that was to culminate in Alfonso's acquisition in and publication in of the coveted Musica nova see Chap. To that extent Ruberto's influence at court concerning Willaert and Rore also marks a stage in the dissemination of Venetian style throughout northern Italy. There is no reason to think that the Strozzi ever provided a stable presence in Venice's musical life after Giannotti tells Ridolfi that Piero's and Ruberto's wives are going to Venice soon, that Piero has resolved to move his wife back to Venice, and that Ruberto may do the same Lettere italiane One could hardly have expected that exiles like Filippo, Ruberto, and Capponi, landed in the city's peaceful lap, would have found in it the ultimate resting place — the "Noah's Ark," "Holy City and terrestrial paradise" — that the self-made Aretino did when he drifted into the city in never again to leave.

These men were bitterly frustrated, at pains to protect their wealth and patrimony and to assert to the world their continued dominance in culture and politics — the more so since they were by history and inculcation masters of their destinies, princes of the establishment from which they now found themselves disenfranchised with dwindling hope for reversal. The processes of acquiring new music, performing it, admitting one's select audience and coparticipants, trading new works and even information about them all became acts of stealth that defined power and position. The acquisitions themselves were marks of privilege, earned through the same cloak-and-dagger tactics used for trades in arms.

Venice, after arriving in Venice; for the panegyric on Venice see La cortigiana, act 3, sc. De Sanctis Milan, , pp. Although the manoeuvres of Florentine patronage remain largely hidden, we have seen that the patrons' personalities and social identities do not. By comparison, the identities of non-Florentine patrons of music in Venice, even noble ones, are obscure at best. These figures had nothing of the ultra-high society and finance or international politics to compare with the likes of Strozzi and Capponi.

Official historians and heads of state were generally unconcerned with their business and their movements; nor as a rule did hired secretaries or agents keep track of their more sedentary and prosaic lives. By contrast with literary patrons like Domenico Venier, whose constant verbalizing yields a portrait rich in tone if not always in specifics, the doyens of musical patronage kept relatively quiet.

Figures interested in music often fell outside the regular patterns of verbal exchange that would have chronicled their lives for future generations. In musical realms it is largely composers themselves and their professional ghost writers, surrogates, or publishers who shed light on musical benefactors, mostly in the conventional form of dedications, sometimes in the less direct and often less intelligible form of dedicatory settings.

Only the unprecedented fusion of Venetian literary and musical activities during the s helps expose Venice's non-Florentine musical patrons to our distanced view. In the dialogical bustle that Venetian Petrarchism produced, musical patrons increasingly placed themselves — or were placed by acquaintances — squarely amid the verbal transactions that were the more common preserve of literati.

It is this phenomenon that unlocks otherwise sealed doors. To open them I begin with some connections between the business of printing and the business of writing. In sixteenth-century Venice texts became a major commodity. The local presses that had specialized in meticulous limited editions early in the century were gradually supplanted for the most part by firms that produced a huge number of volumes at great speed. As presses cranked up production, words came to be marketed in a.

Print commerce boomed, moreover, as part of a clamorous urge to engage others in dialogue. A remarkable number of texts issued in the mid-sixteenth century utilized some mode of direct address or concrete reference, or concocted a world of imaginary interlocutors. By the middle of the century these dual phenomena — the urge to dialogue and the quest for diversity — had brought more authors, more vernaculars, and more literary forms into the hurried arena of published exchange than had ever been there before.

Composers and patrons numbered among the many groups who were drawn into increasingly public relationships as a result. For them as for people of letters , the new public nature of verbal interchange could prove by turns threatening and expedient. On the one hand, it exposed private affairs — or fictitious imitations of them — to social inspection and thus caused tensions over the commodification of what was individual and supposedly personal.

On the other hand, it allowed its ablest practitioners to manipulate their social situations, reshape their identities, and, in the most inventive cases, mobilize their own professional rise. All of this occurred not simply because the quantity of publications had increased but because new mechanisms of literary exchange were encouraged by the vernacular press.

These mechanisms took the form of what I will call "dialogic genres. All of these modes involved speaking to and among others — to patrons, lovers, enemies, and comrades; among teachers and students, scholars and mentors, authors and patrons, courtesans and clients. In this sense my appeal to the concept of a literary dialogics, however difficult to define, is historically grounded in sixteenth-century Venice, and particularly in the multiplicity of new literary forms linked to an active print commerce.

But I also mean for it to resonate with something of the same multivocal plurality with which the Russian literary theorist Mikhail Bakhtin characterized the nineteenth-century novel. Dispersive and fragmenting, those forces prevented languages from maintaining the sort of uniform character that official doctrines might try to prescribe and perpetuate for them.

As part of living acts, language is instead seen to thrive in the face of potential contestations that always reside. Michael Holquist, trans. Michael Holquist and Caryl Emerson Austin, , pp. Useful introductions to Bakhtin's notion of dialogism and his specialized vocabulary may be found in the Introduction and Glossary of that volume and in Tzvetan Todorov, Mikhail Bakhtin: The Dialogical Principle, trans.

Wlad Godzich Minneapolis, Language always asserts itself against the alien terrain of a listener — or in one of Bakhtin's most famous phrases, it "lies between oneself and another. For Bakhtin this aspect of language was basic to its status as communication, written or verbal.

Yet he argued that not all genres foreground this pervasive condition of language at their stylistic surface. As Bakhtin saw it, while novels were explicitly dialogical, poetry — by claiming to spring from a single authorial voice — pretended to a monological status, albeit one he believed was always ultimately fictitious. We could extend Bakhtin's dichotomy so as to place early modern dialogues, letters, encomia, and dedications on the dialogic side and genres like treatises and theses on the fictively monologic.

What I call "dialogic genres" mark out an early modern instance of the general linguistic condition Bakhtin called "dialogism. It is this technologically induced explosion, driving vernacular circulation, that energized in Venice the sort of cultural heteroglossia — that undergrowth of tangled meanings — that Bakhtin described. In early modern Venice, as in the novels Bakhtin discusses, there was a correlated factor at work too: namely, a socially embedded process of imitation that cannot be conceived apart from the multivocal character of Venetian literary production.

Imitation functioned as a primary mechanism of vernacular circulation. Through the processes of imitation, tropes and gestures were appropriated and revised, reproduced and perpetuated. Many of the materials that proliferated through imitation were drawn from Petrarch's rime, which came to be treated as a form of fetishized booty. Yet the city simultaneously remade these lyrics into what W. Theodor Elwert dubbed some time ago a "Petrarchismo vissuto," [4] a lived Petrarchism that propelled Petrarch's tropes through various cultural reproductions as a virtual form of mimetic capital.

In these. Fedi's thesis regarding the linguistic and generic diffusion caused by the form of the raccolta, the lyric anthology, is also relevant see esp.