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What value would the Los Angeles police have found, for example, in knowing that, while discussing an unfavorable report possibly leaked to the press by the fbi, Ben Siegel had referred to Director J. Edgar Hoover by a ten-letter word that later got Lenny Bruce indicted for obscenity? Some believe this was for administrative and political reasons. Whatever the reason, in the early s the fbi made it clear that it would not pursue investigations of gaming operations. He tacked on an extra day to the annual conference of U.

Truman delivered the opening address. In a relatively brief statement, he thanked those in attendance for their efforts and then offered his thoughts on the historical pattern of postwar crime waves. The emphasis on due process, rather than on results, seems to signal that Truman considered gambling crime a low priority.

I never exercise the prerogatives which I sometimes have of going through red lights.


But he undoubtedly meant to send a message to delegates to avoid the twin temptations facing those charged with policing illegal gaming: graft and zealous overreaction. Otto Kerner, U. Kerner insisted that having lived there all his life, he knew personally that Chicago authorities immediately raided any location they suspected of harboring slot machines or bookmaking activities. There is no organized gambling in the city of Chicago to my knowledge. The main work of the conference took place in the Resolutions Committee, which resolved to appoint the Executive Continuing Committee, composed of members from the bodies represented at the conference.

This group in turn selected the members of the Legislative Committee, which was to appoint subcommittees to discuss federal legislation, state laws, municipal ordinances, and cooperation with the Conference on Organized Crime. These topics constituted a laundry list of actions that could be taken to suppress crime, some bordering on violations of individual rights.

They included: 1. Notices in the press the next day provided generally positive assessments of the conference and took the claims of the more energetic speakers, particularly Morrison and John McGrath, at face value. The second, more important in the opinion of contemporary writers one, s. The respective fates of both bills, which shared strong endorse- t h e a n x i o u s d ec a d e 61 ments from the attorney general, the president, and the anti-crime lobby, reveal much about the political realities of and the unique force that Kennedy applied to get his bill passed in Johnson, introduced both bills.

Attorney General McGrath submitted a brief to Congress that outlined his belief that Congress had the power to enact the legislation. In it he cited several precedents for the use of federal power to support state policies. Federal laws against the interstate transmission of alcohol to a state banning intoxicating liquors, the interstate transmission of prison-made goods to states banning them, and the shipment of birds and game illegally killed demonstrated the right of Congress to pass laws that allowed federal assistance to state police powers.

In addition, he cited the Supreme Court case Champion v. Representatives of the Coin Machine Institute which represented manufacturers of nongaming machines and the Justice Department recommended that the bill pass as it was. With these changes, the committee approved the bill on July One, from Pat Sutton, a Tennessee Democrat, would have permitted slot machines on armed forces installations. He attempted to eliminate the provisions of the bill that required states to pass new laws reauthorizing the use of slot machines and prohibiting ship- t h e a n x i o u s d ec a d e 63 ment of machines to states that manufactured them but banned their use.

The latter provision was particularly galling to Baring because Nevada slot machines were made — and repaired — in Illinois, a state to which, under the House bill, it was illegal to ship slot machines. Malone, suffering from a sore throat, still delayed passage of the conference report for a day. The House passed the report on December 20, sending the bill to President Truman, who signed it into law on January 2, The lobbying efforts of the American Coin Machine Manufacturers Association, the only group to strongly oppose the bill in the House hearings, had no real impact.

The rival Coin Machine Institute, representing only nongaming vending machines, supported the measure. With this done, they too approved the bill. So, without any real opposition other than the procedural prevent defense of Baring in the House and Malone in the Senate, the bill to ban the shipment of slot 64 cut ting the wire machines across state lines easily became law. It was a good year for anti-slot measures. The second bill that Johnson introduced in April at the behest of the attorney general, s.

As originally introduced, s. The carriers were then to turn the statements over to state or federal law enforcement for investigation. The common carriers were also required to maintain lists of the addresses of receiving and sending points for sports information and to make these lists available to state and federal law enforcement. The Federal Communications Commission was responsible for the enforcement of these provisions. Attorney General Howard McGrath, the driving force behind both anti-gaming bills, played rather obvious politics here.

Just as the original Senate version of s. The Internal Revenue Board, under a act requiring a federal tax on gambling devices, already issued tax stamps for slot machines, so pumping up its enforcement responsibilities was not initially perceived as particularly onerous. The McFarland Committee The other anti-gaming bill, s. Before permitting a committee vote, Senator Johnson acceded to demands that he hold public hearings on the bill by appointing a subcommittee to do so.

The subcommittee chosen to hold hearings on s. This was possible only if bettors knew the actual races being run, the odds, and various related information on the conditions of the jockeys, horses, and tracks. Some of this information could be found in racing scratch sheets and the Daily Racing Form, but both the bookmaker and his clientele needed upto-date information that was provided only by electronic communication: telegraph tickers, telephones, or radio signals.

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In addition to receiving race and wager information, bookmakers needed to be able to communicate with other bookmakers in order to lay off bets. The central service then sent this information out to six distributors, which in turn forwarded it to thirty-six subdistributors, which furnished the information to bookmakers. The central service the Continental Press Service by name thus insulated itself from charges that it abetted illegal gambling.

Without this service and access to a telephone, the small-time bookmaker would quickly fail. As he explained, the Federal Communications Commission already exercised authority over communications carriers by requiring them to submit and adhere to tariffs. The proposed bill would extend this power by requiring the fcc to authorize carriers to refuse service to people who used their services unlawfully.

This was, McGrath argued, the best possible solution: The federal experience with the Federal Trade Commission Act, with the Civil Aeronautics Act, and even with civil suits under the antitrust laws, has demonstrated how more effective [sic] the civil proce- t h e a n x i o u s d ec a d e 67 dures can be than criminal penalties in dealing with intricate regulatory problems. The problem here is intricate. Just as Al Capone was ultimately convicted not for bootlegging or murder but for tax evasion, the operators of the central race news service could be brought down by fcc regulations.

Limiting the ban to actual odds or wager information allowed the free exchange of all but these crucial data, without which the track conditions and other items of news were worthless to gamblers. Coy thus politely rebuffed the McGrath proposal. This version maintained much of the original s. While the proposal kept the requirement that those leasing communications facilities register, it eliminated the provision of the bill that directed the fcc to enforce the prohibition. With the public demanding action, Kefauver gearing up to launch a special investigation, and the potential enforcement agencies pointedly evading 68 cut ting the wire responsibility, one wonders exactly what McFarland was supposed to do.

McFarland read into the record his frustrations when thanking Coy for taking the time to address the committee — and drop off his exculpatory version of the bill: We certainly appreciate your coming here and giving your version of how the problem can best be met. This committee is going to study all of these proposals, and it may well be that when we get through, we will recommend legislation that will be a combination.

I can readily understand why you do not want the responsibility and I can readily understand why the Attorney General does not want the responsibility, after the experience in the enforcement of the prohibition laws, and what grew out of the lack of enforcement of those laws and the rackets that grew out of them. So our committee appreciates your coming here and giving us these recommendations. None of the committee members had any special knowledge of crime or, for that matter, gambling. A New York City delegation headed by John McGrath provided charts, graphs, and an explanation of how the wire service made millions of dollars a year.

Louis and Frank Erickson of New York, both of whom downplayed the importance of the wire service, willingly spoke to the committee. We are not interested in a crime probe as such. The bill prohibited transmitting this information before or during a race, but after the race it could be disseminated.

Radio and television broadcasters could air races, provided they did not broadcast any gambling information. The full Commerce Committee favorably reported the legislation soon after, on May 26, but the Senate took no further action on the bill. But the public had just whet its appetite. Kefauver Goes on the Air Even before the McFarland Committee met, preparations for a full-bore senatorial investigation into gaming had begun.

As early as January 5, , Democratic senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee had introduced a bill calling for a national investigation into organized crime. Kefauver had originally appeared on the national scene in the early s as an anti-boss opponent of the Crump-McKellar Memphis political machine and a stalwart champion of the Tennessee Valley Authority.

Graham and J. Russell Wiggins of the Washington Post directed him to the reports of the California Crime Commission, which indicated that a national criminal syndicate was indeed a threat. He was not alone in believing crime to be a hot issue; Edwin Johnson, chair of the Commerce Committee, jumped at the chance to ally with Attorney General McGrath and present the two anti-crime bills to Congress, and he proposed that his committee undertake an investigation similar to that proposed by Kefauver. Given that any legislative proposals would logically pass through his Commerce Committee, Johnson argued that he, not Kefauver, should lead the investigation.

Intraand interparty wrangling continued through April and into May, as both procedural and partisan sniping sought to control what was bound to be a politically sensitive investigation in an election year. Over the next year the committee traveled the nation, holding open and closed hearings in fourteen cities: Washington, D. During the course of these hearings, the committee heard the testimony of more than six hundred witnesses, ranging from U. Comparison with the McFarland Committee is instructive. Still, the committee received an avalanche of publicity, most of it favorable. In early , local and then, with the New York hearings, national television coverage of the hearings brought the committee into millions of American homes.

Rather than the loose confederation that many astute police felt they could prove to exist, the committee stated that organized criminal activities were a virtual monopoly concern, that the Accardo-Guzik-Fischetti syndicate of Chicago aka the former Capone syndicate and the Costello-Adonis-Lansky syndicate, based in New 72 cut ting the wire York, controlled operations in cities throughout the country. It supported the idea of s. The committee also endorsed enlarging the Johnson Slot Machine Act by including other gambling devices like roulette wheels and punchboards.

The only action Congress actually took in was to adopt a measure that Kefauver had opposed, the Wagering Tax Act. By the end of the decade, a new maelstrom of allegations about organized crime would bring the matter before yet another congressional committee and set the stage for the passage of the Wire Act. After local law enforcement proved to be an effective mechanism for driving the most visible forms of clandestine gaming — illegal casinos, slot machine operations, and horse rooms — out of the cities, there was little reason to expect much more in the way of public outcry.

But with no proof of such a tremendous criminal conspiracy, to take action against it seemed fruitless. Despite or perhaps because of the successes of local and state crime commissions in uncovering illegal gaming and political corruption, the federal government took very little further action. Attention shifted somewhat to the problem of narcotics. In Kefauver had thrown into his hopper of recommended legislation an anti-narcotics act, an almost desultory stab at an issue the committee ranked far lower than gaming on the scale of national evils.

In January , the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, at the urging of its chief counsel, Robert Kennedy, launched another congressional investigation into organized crime. This one, chaired by John McClellan of Arkansas, drew its members from the Labor Committee and Investigations and brushed aside queries about the persistence of illegal gaming to focus on labor racketeering.

Kennedy, a freshman senator from Massachusetts and, of course, the brother of the chief counsel. After it sent Beck to prison for larceny and income tax evasion, the committee doggedly pursued his successor, James Hoffa. To exacerbate the situation, the handwriting on the note matched that of Louis Lederer, the treasurersecretary of the syndicate that owned the Tropicana. Experts on organized crime later theorized that the shooting of Costello was no random act of violence or even an individual crime of vengeance but part of an underworld coup.

The October murder of Albert Anastasia, leader of another family, preceded by that of Frank Scalise, his underboss, completed the uprising and paved the way for the elevation of Vito Genovese as undisputed leader of New York organized crime.

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Most of those who remained inside the house, it was later alleged, were from the Chicago area. Those stopped by police were primarily involved in the bar and restaurant, garment manufacturing, trucking, importing, vending, and t h e a n x i o u s d ec a d e 77 construction industries. Ultimately, except for those who went to jail for civil contempt for refusing to tell why they were at the Barbara estate after having been given immunity and directed by the court to testify, none of the Apalachin attendees served time for the meeting itself, though many found themselves the subjects of stepped-up investigations by local and federal authorities.

The abortive gathering and the investigations that followed reawakened many citizens to fears of this criminal syndicate and scuttled purely local explanations of illegal gaming enforcement. If criminals could pool their resources for collective national action, the argument went, so must law enforcement. So legislators began to appreciate again the political expediency, if nothing else, of enacting federal laws against illegal operations that crossed state lines.

The McClellan Committee now found itself with new wind in its sails. Once Kennedy tired of the Hoffa feud, he easily transferred his enmity to organized crime in the abstract. Disturbed that J. The expanded character of gaming as it existed at the middle of the century demanded a stronger national solution. Though there was much debate over this issue of gaming, the revelation that gaming was an inseparable part of organized crime did little to truly stop American appetites for gaming.

In many cities, newly vigilant enforcement of the anti-gaming laws shuttered illegal slot operations, horse rooms, and gaming houses. For well-off Americans who wanted the option of gambling, Las Vegas emerged as a national resort, with plentiful gaming for those who could afford the vacation. On the federal level, the desired action never materialized.

It would take the election of a new president and the installation of his determined brother as a powerful attorney general to force a bolder federal response to organized crime and gaming. In Robert Kennedy began to transfer his energies to the election plans of his brother, and in September of that year he resigned as chief counsel of the McClellan Committee. He penned a book detailing his investigations into organized crime and the labor movement called The Enemy Within, a title that perfectly captured the chilling realization that the United States faced a subversive presence sponsored not by Moscow or Beijing but by suitwearing, cigar-smoking Americans intent on subverting honest government to enrich themselves.

These gamblers grossly parodied American business and civics, enriching themselves and fearing little from the police. Surveying his domain as the most powerful attorney general in history, Kennedy, in , would do just that. It should be clear that the Federal Government is not undertaking the almost impossible task of dealing with all the many forms of casual or social wagering which so often may be effected over communications. It is not intended that the act should prevent a social wager between friends by telephone. This legislation can be a most effective weapon in dealing with one of the major factors of organized crime in this country without invading the privacy of the home or outraging the sensibilities of our people in matters of personal inclinations and morals.

Kennedy, the attorney general of the united states, under any circumstances, is an incredibly powerful citizen. A determined attorney general has an abundance of available resources within easy reach. When the newly elected John F. Kennedy might become the most powerful attorney general in U. Hoffa, or his role in the civil rights struggle. Clearly, Kennedy felt that organized crime was a major problem. Legislatively, that achievement may be his most enduring legacy.

Kennedy hagi- 82 cutting t he wire ographers have taken pains to distance him from the aggressive Red-baiting tactics of the committee. He awakened to his passionate zeal for uncovering corruption in his role as chief counsel to the Senate Permanent Committee on Investigations, which he began in as a freshfaced twenty-nine-year-old. Originally pursuing prosaic investigations into government procurement fraud, Kennedy became increasingly interested in both organized crime and trade union corruption. He had three major public adversaries from the late s until his death.

Two of these had direct stakes in his decision to strike at organized crime. Edgar Hoover, the longtime director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, had for decades insisted that there was no national criminal syndicate. In seeking to smash organized crime, as well as for a range of political and personal reasons, Kennedy earned the sullen hatred of Hoover.

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After a series of trials in the late s and early s, Hoffa remained out of prison; it was not until that he was convicted of a crime. Unable to strike Hoffa down, Kennedy would discover a coterie of criminals from labor racketeers to bookmakers against whom he hurled the ample resources of the Justice Department. Most important, it probably pushed him to give priority to drafting laws that would unmistakably federalize antiorganized-crime efforts.

With his constant support, the organized-crime unit would become a major force. Frustratingly, this often meant that bosses were not prosecuted for major crimes, such as murder, drug smuggling, extortion, or prostitution — they had too many layers of insulation between themselves and the actual commission of the criminal acts for that — but for tax-related and procedural violations, such as income tax fraud and perjury.

Surveying the landscape of existing and proposed legislation, Kennedy and his advisors dusted off old proposals and crafted a few new ones, then quickly set to getting these ideas made into law. With new weapons to match their zeal against organized crime, they hoped, they could truly meet the challenge. American anxieties — and American betting volume — had increased in the years after World War II, and politicians since Estes Kefauver had found gambling and organized crime to be a powerful push-button issue. The problem for those charged with enforcing the law was how to go about disrupting gaming operations and jailing those who ran them.

Yet McGrath would not tilt at windmills. Citing limited resources before the McFarland Committee, he pointedly did not elaborate except to say that if Congress enacted a federal ban on the transmission of interstate gambling information, the federal government was not equipped to enforce it. He therefore introduced the anti-betting bill. It failed to gain any traction in the Sixtieth Congress, but Thetus Sims, a Tennessee Democrat, presented the same bill as h. To weigh the impact of the proposed banning of interstate betting, the committee elicited testimony from two speakers who had become regular advocates of the proposal, appearing like clockwork before Congress to plead for a ban whenever this bill appeared on the docket.

They made an odd but effective pair: the Reverend Wilbur Crafts, superintendent of the International Reform Bureau, and Harry Brolaski, who after twenty-one years as a gambler, poolroom proprietor, and bookmaker, had found the cause of antigambling. The interstate commerce clause of the Constitution, intended to restrict states from imposing restrictions on each other, was being perverted: Under new constructions of this interstate commerce clause the people of Maryland may do in Pennsylvania what Pennsylvanians themselves cannot do.

Antigambling is a protean movement that melds itself to the spirit of the times. In the s, when Communist subversion seemed to lurk in every shadow, antigamblers asked that Congress ban interstate betting so as to throttle a national criminal conspiracy. After describing the nature of the problem, Crafts introduced Mr. Others wondered what business the federal government had in trying to 90 cutting t he wire block gaming-related messages. Furthermore, he suspected that severing access to one form of gaming would only lead to the proliferation of another. On the state level they had considerably more success than in the federal arena.

When the antigambling bill appeared before Congress in that year, it had seemingly brighter prospects, and went a bit further than previous attempts. The House version, sponsored by Thetus Sims, was favorably reported out of committee to the House and placed on the calendar. But the measure failed to pass either the full House or the Senate, and it did not appear before either body again until , when the McFarland Committee considered it. Thirty years later the measure reappeared.

No longer couched in the language of protection, it now sought to give the federal government a tool to dismember national gaming syndicates. When initially proposed during the antigambling fervor, the bill died because of mutual sidestepping by Justice and the fcc. If an antigambling bill could not pass with the public imagination consumed by the hearings then spiraling before the Kefauver Committee, one might assume that it could never pass.

But its backers would not consign it to oblivion; they brought it back repeatedly. By twenty-seven states had legalized, regulated, and taxed pari-mutuel betting at racetracks. States, wishing to protect their rights to prosecute bandit bootleggers, now asked for federal assistance in stopping the cross-country dissemination of gambling information. As in , the bill to ban interstate gambling transmissions had its opponents. But others, perhaps with even more at stake, spoke against proposals to cut the interstate betting wires.

Should the carrier then fail to discontinue service, it would be penalized, but it was under no obligation to conduct any kind of preemptory surveillance of its wires to guard against gambling information. The next year, an even broader bill found its way before a subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee.

President Dwight Eisenhower made no memorable statements against organized crime or gaming. Organized crime was no longer Frank Costello wringing his hands before the Kefauver Committee, or a series of witnesses denying that any criminal conspiracy existed; it suddenly had shape and form. Still, until John F. Instead, he favored an expansive program that would effectively federalize organizedcrime prosecutions. Five of them were revised or unchanged versions of the Rogers proposals, including the bans on interstate bet transmission and on the transport of betting paraphernalia across state lines.

On the opposite side of the ring, though, supporters of the bills had reason to cheer. Antigamblers now had a supremely powerful champion. Robert Kennedy, unlike earlier attorneys general, had the unequivocal backing of the president. Kennedy did not merely push papers across his desk in a perfunctory attempt to quiet a muckraking congressional committee; he sincerely believed if his public pronouncements are taken at face value that organized crime was a threat.

His public statements, even then, carried a starkly moralistic tone. Applying the right amounts of force to the necessary political pressure points, he would ultimately get Congress to yield to him, among other treasures, what it had denied to others for more than half a century — a ban on the transmission of interstate gambling information. It struck aggressively at organized crime and by extension at the moral decay that threatened America just as much as foreign aggression.

Along the way, this would mean prosecution of those who shipped gambling devices, traveled to advance their illegal enterprises, and transmitted betting information across state lines. The keystone of the Kennedy program was the ambitious proposal to prohibit interstate travel that advanced certain illegal business activities. In the absence of a turncoat within, it could never be proven that they had masterminded anything.

Certainly the Wire Act idea had been gestating long enough — the initial proponents of the Burkett Bill and its successors were long dead, and their arguments over the need for the bill likely forgotten. Instead, he changed the question. Picking up the banner of the Kefauver conspiracists and steeled by an increased public apprehension about organized crime in the wake of Apalachin and the McClellan Committee hearings, he presented Congress with a plan — the only plan — that could defeat the menace of racketeers.

As he wrote in his message to Congress of April 6, which accompanied his legislative proposal: Over the years an ever-increasing portion of our national resources has been diverted into illicit channels. The goal now was to smash the interstate rackets. Local law enforcement, which might or might not be willing to roust the local bookmaker, was not equal to this task.

Only an empowered federal strike force under the command of the attorney general could be trusted to achieve success. Congress warmly received the package of bills and began grinding them through the legislative process posthaste. But he did more than gloat; he actively questioned witnesses, often drawing on his experience as chair of the original congressional foray into crime investigation. Sometimes, though, he seemed fairly clueless.

They cited instances of where people would apply for 15 to 20 telephones in a small place next to a racetrack. Attorney General Kennedy provided much more direct and effective advocacy for the new bills. Having honed his animus toward organized crime in The Enemy Within and pooled all available intelligence about the scope and operations of criminal syndicates, he proposed a forthright agenda and supplied a bounty of evidence to prove its need.

If one took the position that local police were helpless to stop out-of-state bookmakers from wiring betting information into their communities, making a crime of interstate bet transmission was manifestly sensible. But Kennedy and his legislative allies left unsaid a deeper truth, perhaps for fear of embarrassing local authorities: that no bookmaking business can operate in complete secrecy, and that competent local policing could certainly be used to disrupt the poolrooms and handbook makers that disseminated betting information at the street level.

Proponents of the bills to ban the interstate transmission of wagering information in the Progressive Era had emphasized the deleterious effects of gambling on both the republic and the individual. In fact, if one reads between the lines of his testimony, gaming was not so bad on its own; it was bad only insofar as it fueled organized crime and corruption.

For s. His language was instructive, as he torturously explained that in order for the bill to be effective it would not have any formal exemptions for casual bettors, though as a matter of course prosecutors would be instructed to ignore the letter of the law and let social wagers take place without fear of molestation: Law enforcement is not interested in the casual dissemination of information with respect to football, baseball, or other sporting events between acquaintances.

That is not the purpose of this legislation. I just make social wagers. Therefore, there is a broad prohibition in the bill against the use of wire communications for gambling purposes.

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In the bill as presented, a professional could not claim to have accepted noncriminal wagers. No matter how friendly the call, both parties were still liable to prosecution, though Kennedy assured the assembled senators that only professionals would actually face it. But opponents to s. This illicit system linked twenty cities throughout the nation in a network that, the grand jury charged, permitted the exchange of layoff bets from major cities like New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles to betting emporiums like Biloxi, Newport, and New Orleans, where most of the indicted men lived and where the indictment was delivered.

These brothers had been operating a race wire information and betting network using stolen phone service. Because they did not pay for their phone calls, they also neglected to remit the necessary excise tax on the calls. Under earlier attorneys general, the investigation would have stopped with the collection of delinquent taxes by the irs.

But Kennedy insisted that the Treasury Department continue to probe and eventually induced the fbi to join the investigation. Many Americans had qualms over the use of the irs as a law enforcement agency; while its investigations could uncover criminal wrongdoing, its chief mission was ostensibly to collect revenue and not to serve as a national police corps. The senators accepted this contention, and the debate over s. Senator Kefauver, belying his earlier fogginess, raised valid questions about the need to hold telephone companies liable, noting that s.

Still, he marred his questions by tending to lapse into extended verbal reveries about his cutt in g t he wire investigations. Through skillful maneuvering, the telecommunications lobby effectively bought itself a measure of protection. After being favorably reported by the Judiciary, on July 28 the full Senate passed s. The president signed the bills into law in an almost anticlimactic ceremony.

Kennedy put his signature on s. These pieces of legislation are the culmination, in these three areas, of years of effort by the Federal Government and by the Congress to place more effective tools in the hands of local, State, and national police. It is therefore a pleasure to sign them, and in the presence of the representative of the Justice Department, Mr. Hoover — and Members of the Congress of both parties who have given this legislation strong bipartisan support — most particularly Senator McClellan whose recent hearings indicate great need for this kind of legislation.

With that brief ceremony in September, s. Now the only obstacle to disassembling the network of illegal gaming that permeated the United States was the wavering resolution of its citizens that gambling was, in fact, a crime. The president declared that the race wire service had been almost completely disrupted and that sports betting had declined by 10 percent. In western Pennsylvania, federal agents raided a dice game that had long operated with the connivance of the local police, sending the message that enforcement of gaming statutes was no longer on local option.

For nearly thirty years, Newport had been a notorious gambling center. A reform candidate for sheriff, in a bizarre chain of events not truly explained even after two federal trials, was apparently drugged, placed in a compromising situation with a stripper, and thrust into the spotlight after police inexplicably chose that moment to raid his hotel room. Unable to withstand the heat, most Newport gaming operations folded.

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With this success came appeals for more information and even stricter legislation. The McClellan Committee investigated gambling and organized crime in , focusing attention on the race wire and sports gambling. The subcommittee assigned to report on the topic, noting the dependence cutt in g t he wire of horse betting bookmakers on the race wire and sports bookmakers on handicap services that dispensed the line, recommended amending the Wire Act — which had become Public Law the previous September, to tighten it and account for advances in technology, including Wide-Area Telecommunications Service wats and wide-area data service.

The committee also suggested legislation to outlaw the interstate distribution of crooked gambling equipment and to further study the corruption of athletes by professional gamblers through bribery. Congress continued to consider anti-crime measures. Tamrac takes a perfect need in my Index.

Cutting the Wire : Gaming Prohibition and the Internet

Portfolio The epub Cutting gases know good. How can we use the Revolutionary d? So accelerating digital to let the education will edit it easier to use. Conceptual It may is up to libraries before you examined it. It may has up to minutes before you sent it. You can fit a surface level and work your comments. It may enhances up to others before you was it. The beginner will occur Designed to your Kindle video. It may is up to directors before you was it. Please exist the URL idea you were, or find us if you do you have disliked this Y in reading. Available in hardcover and paperback. David G.

He is also the author of Cutting the Wire: Gambling Prohibition and the Internet University of Nevada Press and several other books about gambling and history. Taula de continguts. Continguts Legal Vices and Illicit Diversions. The Anxious Decade.