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Giorgio Gori 1. Alessandro Greco 1. Ezio Greggio 1. Alessandro Grieco 1. Sonia Grey 1. Bianca Guaccero 1. Milo Infante 1 , 2. Flavio Insinna 1. Elisa Isoardi 1. Cesare Lanza 1. Loredana Lecciso 1. Miriam Leone 1. Massimo Liofredi. Marco Liorni 1. Claudio Lippi 1. Vladimir Luxuria 1. Georgia Luzi 1. Giancarlo Magalli 1 , 2. Mara Maionchi 1 , 2. Emma Marrone 1 , 2.

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Matteo Marzotto 1. Alessandra Mastronardi 1. Roberta Mirra 1. Morgan 1. Giorgio Panariello 1. Federica Panicucci 1. Alba Parietti 1 , 2. Benedetta Parodi 1. Paola Perego 1 , 2. Daniele Piombi 1. Pamela Prati 1. Jason Priestley 1. Platinette 1 , 2. Lola Ponce 1. Nathalie Rapti Gomez 1. Attilio Romita 1. Simone Rugiati 1. Nicola Savino 1 , 2. Federica Sciarelli 1. Leggere AIQ qui. Nel settembre Equifax ha annunciato una violazione della sicurezza dei dati.

Eravamo preoccupati per il piano di ristrutturazione proposto e per il suo potenziale beneficio per la famiglia Chung, controllante del gruppo, a scapito degli azionisti di minoranza. A causa del dissenso degli investitori, Hyundai ha archiviato la proposta di ristrutturazione nella sua forma attuale. La Royal Dutch Shell ha tenuto l'AGM a maggio e, come l'anno scorso, il cambiamento climatico ha dominato l'agenda dell'incontro. Nel , abbiamo votato contro il management e sostenuto una simile proposta da parte degli azionisti.

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Queste conversazioni ci hanno permesso di valutare i diversi interessi degli stakeholder riguardanti la vendita, di TIM, di parte del NetCo, che era una delle proposte di Elliott. Abbiamo preso in esame la potenziale creazione di valore per TIM nel lungo termine, soprattutto se dovesse perdere il controllo di NetCo. Accogliamo con favore l'aumento dell'indipendenza del consiglio, ma continueremo a monitorare il rapporto tra la dirigenza e il consiglio. Lanciata dal CEO di Aviva, Mark Wilson, la guida identifica strumenti e insiemi di dati contemporanei disponibili gratuitamente e offre anche suggerimenti sulle domande che gli investitori dovrebbero porre per identificare i leader aziendali e i fanalini di coda.

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Following the concept of the "great chain of being", it is clear that melons and strawberries were condemned at least in part because they grow direct- ly on the soil, but the low opinion of peaches does not seem to fit. Curiously, while fruit in general was viewed as the noblest among the foods produced by plants, peaches themselves were often considered poisonous. I: Un'altra volta lassa stare le fructe de li mei pari e mangia delle tue che sono le rape, gli agli, porri, cepolle e le scalogne col pan di sorgo.

For a modem critical edition see Le Porretane ed. Sero id quidem factum et cum difficultate, verum postea ubique fere sponte proveniunt. Fabulas mihi narrare videntur qui scribunt vene- nata cum cruciatu apud Persas gigni, et ob earn rem a Cyro inde ad Aegyptios translata, ut quos armis vincere non poterat, veneno saltern necaret.

Confingunt item quo res verosimilior videatur Aegyptio sole et caelo deinde mitigata fuisse. Melons shared this unhappy com- pany and enjoyed a yet more negative fame in widely circulated folk tales that warned that even kings and popes had passed away after eating pan- tagruelic dinners based on melons. Only the most coura- geous doctors were willing to allow their charges to eat peaches or melons — if one could not resist the temptation — but then only at the beginning of the meal so as to have a chance to avoid the putrefaction problem.

The condemnation of melons was so widespread that a physician from Bologna, Pietro Nati, felt the need to defend the fruit in a small treatise he wrote about the more general topic of health during times of plague. Nati observed that melons were no longer poisonous — as they were in Galen's time — and that they were regularly consumed at courtier's tables. Nati's study is interesting because it shows how practice and dietary precepts did not always coincide: melons, peaches, and other types of fruit were, in fact, enjoyed during meals and receptions offered at gentlemen's houses.

Dicono Federico terzo, Henrico settimo e Alberto sec- ondo imperatorii esser morti per l'uso d'essi. Through practice he was convinced that the popular lore was false and the medical taboo right: he decided that he liked fruit and cold wine but that they, despite their pleasant taste, were not at all good for his health: While doing this [test] I found out that that claim was false, because I liked very much rough and very cold wine as well as melons and other fruit In Messisbugo's book there is no men- tion of any physician's negative advice; melons and peaches appear at dif- ferent moments during banquets, often together with other types of food deemed dangerous.

Albala, Eating Right, In works written earlier only a few foods were openly condemned; restrictions hinged on modera- tion. The natural attraction for certain foods and their good taste were seen as guiding principles. With its pleasant taste, fruit in moderation could even be seen as therapeutic in this context. One possible explanation for the changing attitude of sixteenth-century writers with respect to melons, peaches and other fruits is that conceptions of body, pleasure, and food changed along the lines suggested by Elias. Foods that had qualities that were similar to humours deemed positive were nutritious and foods that were different were restricted to correcting humoral imbalances.

For six- teenth-century authors, however, there is a shift to repression of instincts as a key factor in dietary decisions — hunger and good taste are no longer a positive signs of the body's humoral or other needs, but rather potential temptations in a moral battle waged over controlling the desires of the body and its appetites. One should eat what is good for health, not what tastes good, as Cornaro already affirmed. Food could be used as a medicine to correct imbalances, but this was no longer to be controlled by desire and taste but by doctors and experts in health both physical and spiritual.

Certain foods, delicious and now tempting, could now lead inevitably to physical and mental illnesses, sexual perversion, even death. Along with fruit this list of suspect foods included all those that like sweets, fat meats or sausages were portrayed in carnivalesque representations where they symbolized gustatory and sexual license and lower-class tastes Albala, Eating Right, It is important to remember, however, that these foods were regularly served during upper class banquets, appeared in cook- books, and were consumed by people in their everyday meals.

British travelers in Italy often remarked on the richness and abundance of Italian fruit at meals even as they referred to the dangers of eating too much fruit. William Cecil received from his son's tutor, before his leaving for Italy, the following warning: It is to be feared that Mr.

Thomas shall not bear the great heats of that country, and being given also to eat much fruit, may soon fall into sick- ness, as he did in France by that occasion Olsen, "Poisoned Figs," William Thomas, one of the first English historians of Italy, actually admitted to having been converted to eating fruit after living in Italy, renouncing the heavy meat-based diet of his native country Olsen, "Poisoned Figs," Melons also particularly attracted him, but he warned his readers to abstain from eating them during the summer when — 39 — Laura Giannetti Ruggiero they were ripe and full of juice.

He even observed ambiguously that their sweetness is so attractive that no one can resist it and some even eat so many that they die as a result Olsen, "Poisoned Figs," Did William Thomas know the medical proscriptions? His words and those of other British travelers in sixteenth-century Italy stress the conflict between the prohibition of such "dangerous" foods and the everyday experience of liv- ing and eating in Italy. Practice and theory seem to diverge profoundly, then, in this period. The insistence on prohibition and the on-going attempt to build a dietet- ic ideal must be seen as being as significant in many ways as its rejection in everyday life.

It has been hypothesized that the stronger the prohibition of these foods was at the time — as strange food, as food fit only for courtiers, as dangerous and illicit food — the stronger became the desire to break the taboo. Peaches and melons came originally from Persia and from the Middle East, lands of fabled beauty, abundance and corrupt customs, lands often associated in popular belief with sodomy; thus their fruits could be seen as a sort of suspicious food right from their origins.

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For while dietetic lit- erature saw a great enemy in forbidden fruits, especially melons and peach- es, contemporary literature used those and other food images to represent and celebrate the forbidden fruits of Renaissance sexuality, illicit sex and 21 Rosenberger, "Arab Cuisine and Its Contributions to European Culture": "Arab princes ordered fruit brought to Baghdad from afar: melons packed in ice and shipped in lead containers, along with prized Damascus grapes and plums.

The Middle East was apparently the original home of a number of species known to the Greeks and Romans. The Arabs played the important role of improving these species and making them known over a wide area. These include the apri- cot [ What information we have about the diffusion of citrus fruit is unreliable. The melon known since antiquity, was joined by the watermelon, which came from India.

Both were widely cultivated as sweet, refreshing treats. The so-called paradoxical encomium was the preferred poetic form used by Francesco Berni and his followers. In it, the praise of an everyday simple object, food, or even an unpleasant illness — such as syphilis — wittily played with and drew upon erotic or obscene metaphors. The Accademia dei Vignaiuoli originated in from a group of humanists and poets earlier gathered in the Accademia Romana that was first founded by Pomponio Leto in the fifteenth-century.

An invitation to a ludic style of life that will be attached to the Accademia dei Vignaiuoli is anticipated in a letter written by Francesco Berni to Francesco Bini in We must live until we die, despite those who don't like it, but the impor- tant thing is to live happily, as I invite you to do, by attending those ban- quets which are taking place in Rome, and by writing as little as you can; because this is the victory, which conquers the world Frantz, Festum Voluptatis, Quia haec est victoria, quae vincit mundum.

Francesco Bini, Lettere facete e piacevoli di diversi grandi uomini e chiari ingegni, vii, Molza, to Mr. Giovanni Della Casa, and to all the Divine Academy. May God grant you his blessing in giving you a large Priapus for your garden, with a pitchfork as long as a beam between your legs and a big scythe in your hand and that you will be bothered neither by frost, fog, worms or foul winds, and that you might have beans and peas in their pods and peach- es and carrots all year round, as I desire for my own small and failing gar- den here which I take care of and keep up as much as I can.

In their poems dedicated to the forbidden fruits there also appears to be a conscious playing with the pedantic side of their own avocations as humanists. Giovanni della Casa, e a tutta quella divina Academia. I have slightly modified the translation by Frantz. A Priapus was a phallic boundary marker used in ancient Rome to demarcate and protect property. Making fun of such humanistic texts condemning fruits such as peaches and melons which were sternly warned against in this classical tradition, then, offered another opportunity to mock playfully some of the more extreme charac- teristics of their own humanist pretensions and at the same time cleverly extol sodomy - both were, in a witty way that was irresistible to Berni and his fellow word-smiths, formally forbidden fruits which, in the everyday world, were enjoyed by those in the know.

The law and the Church con- demned sodomy, represented here by peaches and melons, while peaches and melons in their own right were forbidden by the classical dietetic and medical texts reiterated by humanist authors. What better way for the berneschi poets to playfully extol sodomy — the forbidden sin of the Renaissance — than to praise peaches and melons, the forbidden fruits of the Renaissance? Francesco Berni soon became the most important member of the Accademia de Vignaiuoli and his leadership was recognized by the other poets, as is clear in the beginning lines of Francesco Maria Molza Capitolo de' fichi: "Di lodare il mellone avea pensato quando Febo sorrise e Non fia vero che '1 fico disse resti abbandonato.

The fascination with descriptions of fruit in erotic poetry certainly warrants a closer examination for its rich nuances. For the extensive use of images of forbidden fruits in erotic poetry was not an accident; it is clear that Berni and his followers and imitators were well aware of dietetic proscriptions that labelled certain types of fruit dangerous for one's health and at the same time extremely desirable.

In a neat paral- lel, the same was true for sodomy: it was desired, forbidden, and frequent- ly practiced. In other poems the rounded shape of melons or apples were used in the same way. This excellent edition by Danilo Romei explains all the erotic metaphors in the poems. The sexual metaphor is clear: O frutto sopra gli altri benedetto, buono inanzi, nel mezzo e dietro pasto; ma inanzi buono e di dietro perfetto! In particular, Lorenzo de' Medici in his "Canzona degli innestatoti, " — a poem dedicated to the act of grafting plants, including peaches — plays with lengthily descriptions of dif- ferent types of sexual contact between males as well as between males and females.

Canzona degli innestatori," in Trionfi e canti carnascialeschi. D XLIV. The poems on peaches and melons nonetheless capture the readers' attention for the priv- ileged place given to the passive side of sodomy, usually considered the least honourable, because of its association with the female sex. In sixteenth-century Italy sodomy was held to be a mortal sin and a crime against nature, God, and society and as such was regularly deemed worthy of capital punishment.

Nonetheless, it was widely practiced and ideally organized in a patriarchal and hierarchical fashion that mirrored the rest of society. In theory as well as in everyday reality, young adult males were supposed to take the dominant active role, sexually and socially — they sought out the peaches and melons — while younger youths in their early teens took the passive role — offering peaches and melons. The Dialogo contra i poeti written by Francesco Berni in explores, among other topics, the connections between poets and sexuality.

He starts by telling Orpheus story's from the Metamorphoses charging him first with the "bella inventione," and then has the interlocutor Sanga list a group of poets famous for their preference for young boys w. Asked by the interlocutor Marco whether he was a poet or not because he wrote poems such as Le anguille, Le pesche and La primiera, Berni responds that he did not consider himself a poet because of those works and he did not make enemies just for writing them.

Writing their erotica ghiottoneria, the Vignaiuoli and their imitators mocked the cultural humanistic milieu in which they lived and, at the same time, the popular belief that saw human- ism and sodomitical pleasures as strictly connected. It is now con- sidered a topic worthy of analysis in its own right, not as an occasional mere diversion from more "serious" issues. Yet, at the same time, they served nicely as a series of Renaissance metaphors that were invested with a rich and playful array of meanings by poets like Berni and his followers. For them, the image of fruits such as peaches and melons was a privileged site to extol sodomy, play with the imagination, and give sodomy a more everyday common sense.

As Berni concluded, "but everybody likes the good morsels," 41 that is, the buoni boc- coni that ghiotti and ghiottoni certainly enjoyed. The University of Miami discorrendo. Can we assume from this literary statement that Berni was a sodomite? Or was it just — like the poems — a literary game to make fun of humanistic circles? Or could it have been a self-defence against sodomy prosecution or perhaps instead a covert admission of his sexual preference? The answer lies in further research on Berni and his circle. For a modem edition see Marzo, Note sulla poesia erotica, The author would like to thank the participants at both sessions for their comments and helpful responses, and in particular Will Fisher.

Works Cited Augustine. Confessions, trans, by William Watts. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, Albala, Kent. Eating Right in the Renaissance. Antonino di Firenze Antonino Pierozzi or St. Opera di Santo Antonino arciverscovo fiorentino utilissima e necessaria alla instruttione delli sac- erdoti e di qualunque devota persona la quale desidera saper vivere christiana- mente e confessarsi bene delli suoi peccati. Con una breve instruttione per li sacer- doti curati. Vinegia: Aretino, Pietro. Milan: Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, Bandello, Matteo. Giuseppe Guido Ferrara.

Berni, Francesco. Anne Reynolds. Riccardo Bruscagli. Rome: Salerno, Francesco Berni, di M. Giovanni della Casa, del Varchi, del Mauro, di M. Bino, del Molza, del Dolce e del Firenzuola, ricorretto e con diligenza ristampato. In Firenze, Libro Secondo. Da Messisbugo, Christofaro. Emilio Faccioli.

SCANDALO MONTE DEI PASCHI DI SIENA. CLAMOROSE NOVITA'. INTERVISTA A FRANCO FRACASSI

Degli Adenti, Giovanni Sabadino. Bruno Basile. Luigi Cornavo, Nobile Vinitiano.

Medieval Multilingualism | Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe

Venice: San Luca al Segno del Diamante, n. Venice: Appresso Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari, De Medici, Lorenzo. Dolce, Lodovico. I st ed. Bari: Universale Laterza, Five Comedies from the Italian Renaissance, ed. Laura Giannetti and Guido Ruggiero. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, Flandrin, Jean Louis.


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The Liberation of the Gourmet," pp. A Culinary History, eds. Jean Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. New York: Columbia University Press, The Early Modern Period," pp. Francesco Berni. Rime, ed. Danilo Romei. Milan: Mursia, Francesco Berni, ed. Raffaele Nigro. Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Frantz, David O. Festum Voluptatis. A Study of Renaissance Erotica. Garrido, J. P " Le theme de la 'grande bouffe,' dans le Morgantde Luigi Pulci," pp. Paris: Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, Giannetti and Ruggiero, "Introduction," pp.

Grieco, Allen. Lettere facete e piacevoli di diversi grandi uomini e chiari ingegni, ed. Silvia Longhi. Bologna: Arnaldo Forni Editore, Longhi, Silvia. Il capitolo burlesco nel Cinquecento. Padova: Antenore, Marzo, Antonio. Studi sulla poesia erotica del Cinquecento. Con appendice di testi. Lecce: Adriatica Editrice Salentina, Naples: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, Molza, Francesco Maria. Capitoli erotici, ed. Mirella Masieri. Lecce: Congedo edi- tore, Montanari, Massimo.

La fame e T abbondanza. Storia dell' alimentazione in Europa. Rome-Bari: Laterza, La Cazzarla The Book of the Prick, ed. Ian Frederick Moulton. New York: Routledge, Nati, Pietro. Con altri trattati che si contengono nella faccia seguente. Florence: Appresso Giorgio Marescotti, Negrisoli Ferrarese, Antonio Mario. Libro terzo. Olsen, Thomas G. Luigi Monga, vol.

Palma, Pina. Mary Ellen Milham. Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, New York: Palgrave McMillan, Turin: n. Rocke, Michael. Forbidden Friendships. Homosexuality and Male Culture in Renaissance Florence. New York: Oxford University Press, Judith C. Brown and Robert C. New York: Longman, Romei, Danilo. Firenze: Edizioni Centro 2P, Rosenberger, Bernard. A Cidinary History, eds. Ruggiero, Guido. Institutions, Texts, Images, ed. James Grantham Turner. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Libreto de tute le cosse che se marnano.

Un libro di dietetica di Michele Savonarola, medico padovano del sec. Stockholm: doctoral thesis, Stockholms Universitets, Toscan, Jean. Le Carnaval du langage. Tome I-IV. In questo senso da un lato l'avvento del libret- to sopperiva al cattivo gusto della recitazione all'improvviso che pure aveva goduto di largo credito e favore del gusto popolare e cortigiano nell'Europa seicentesca e dall'altro finalmente si intuiva la portata della considerazione del 'teatro come metafora del reale'.

Si aggiunga poi che nelle feste di patronato l'occasione per la divulgazione liturgica e la trattazione scritturistica si innervavano nella tensione oppositi- va al dilagante giansenismo e in sostegno agli ordini religiosi pesantemente messi in crisi ed offuscati dai nuovi stili di vita in via di affermazione 1. Tuttavia, la scena italiana appariva mortificata da un lato dalla man- canza di attori veri e dall'altro dall'assenza di una consapevole progettual- Si veda a riguardo Orfeo in Arcadia oppure La festa a Roma dal Rinascimento al Marotti, Lo spazio scenico.

Bertana, "La tragedia"; Id. Martello, Della tragedia antica e moderna. See Five Comedies from the Italian Renaissance. La scelta della tragedia a lieto fine agiva proprio nella direzione della con- ciliazione tra il modello teatrale francese e le istanze moralistiche religiose; ma d'altro canto essa serviva anche ad allontanare quel 'fatalismo' della tragedia greca che era divenuto simbolo e sostegno ideologico per un dilagante giansenismo che sposava le tesi della redenzione e del libero arbitrio.

Parole nelle quali vibra il desiderio di cogliere il favore della committenza e ad un tempo anche quello del pubblico, nella speranzosa convinzione umanistica di giovare tanto alla prima nella gestione illuminata del potere, quanto alla edificazione morale dell'uditorio. Interprete delle ansie rigoristiche reli- giose, il padre Daniele Concina, pensatore e rigido teorico, si fece porta- voce dell'esigenza di un rinnovato rigorismo cattolico 12 , vietando l'intro- duzione sulle scene dei Collegi delle figure femminili e battendosi per una tragedia aristotelicamente 'regolata' e sorvegliata nella morale.

Certamente di fronte a tale intransigenza, la scelta di Granelli di attingere alla storia d'Israele e di intitolare una rappresentazione drammaturgica ad una figura femminile Seila doveva naturalmente suscitare preoccupazioni fra i Padri Generali dell'Ordine. La tragedia biblica assume allora contorni sui generis; l'afflato tragico del modello classico greco si stempera via via in una pacata riconciliazione finale, che tende ad uno scioglimento del nodo tragico che muta il volto tetro e cruento, misterioso e punitivo del Fato in quello salvifico e benevo- lo della grazia della Provvidenza, anche ammettendo l'inserimento di un intreccio risolutivo alternativo.

Nella tenuta ideologica della tragedia si agita, inoltre, il consueto dibattito intorno al verisimile; la notevole produzione di tragedie d'argo-. Le tragedie scritturistiche di Granelli e Bettinelli mostrano il tentativo programmatico di introduzione sulla scena tragica di un meraviglioso cristiano capace di contemplare al suo interno tanto la statura aristotelica dell'eroe tragico, quanto la natura decisamente meno conflittuale dell'eroe o martire cristiano.

Bonora, "Le tragedie e la poetica del tragico di Saverio Bettinelli". Bancheri, Polemiche sulla tragedia sacra, pp. Manca tanto la grandezza della colpa tragica, quanto la bassezza degli eroi 'fallibili' da cui risorgere. Sedecia Ultimo Re Di Giuda. Dione Siracusano. La preferenza accordata al tema scritturistico appariva scontata, quasi come per una forma di devozionale osservanza della norma spirituale, retorica, pedagogica e teatrale della Ratio di Sant'Ignazio di Loyola Resta valido pertanto a mio avviso il discernimento che a proposito diede Attilio Simioni a proposito del gesuita Giovan Battista Roberti : "Il soggetto biblico, in mano d'un vero tragico, o forse anche del Bettinelli stesso, se le regole ed il fine non gli avessero inceppate spesse volte le mani, si sarebbe prestato, se non ad un intreccio fortemente drammatico, Cfr.

Ragion di Stato a Teatro. Simioni parlava dell'Adonia di G. Alfieri tragico. Minervini Il tema ricorre anche in Manasse, altra tragedia del padre Granelli, il quale divenne re di Giuda a. Masiello, L'ideologia tragica di Vittorio Alfieri. Tiranni a teatro. Varano, Giovanni di Giscala. Ma questo tema, per contro, assume nelle singole menti sfaccettature e inclinazioni differenti eppure riconducibili ad un bisogno primario comune.

Santato, Tra mito e palinodia; Barsotti, Alfieri e la scena. Alfieri, Vittorio. Vita, a cura di Giampaolo Dossena. Torino: Einaudi, Alfieri, Vittorio, Parere sulle tragedie e altre prose critiche, a cura di Morena Pagliai. Asti: Casad'Alferi, Ariani, Marco. Bologna: Il Mulino, , pp. Bancheri, Salvatore. Barberi Squarotti, Giorgio. Il tragico cristiano. Da Dante ai moderni.

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Firenze: Leo S. Barsotti, Anna. Alfieri e la scena. Da fantasmi di personaggi a fantasmi di spettatori. Roma: Bulzoni, La tragedia. Bertana, Emilio. Bettinelli, Saverio. Milano- Napoli: Ricciardi, Tomo sesto che contiene tragedie e poesie varie, Zana, Venezia Binni, Walter. Bonora, Ettore.


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Brizzi, Gian Paolo. Roma: Herder, , pp. Carli, Gian Rinaldo. Dell'indole del teatro tragico antico e moderno , in Opere. Carlson, Marvin Lee. Teorie del teatro.

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Bologna: Il Mulino, Concina, Daniele. De spectaculis theatralibus dissertationes duae. Roma: Barbiellini, De' teatri moderni contrari alla professione cristiana libri due. De Angelis, V Critiche, traduzioni ed imitazioni del teatro di G. Arpino: Fraioli, Torino: Chiantore, Doglio, Federico. Il teatro tragico italiano. Storia e testi. Parma: Guanda, Ferrari, Luigi. Parigi: Champion, Il Settecento. Roma: Salerno, La festa a Roma dal Rinascimento al , a cura di Marcello Fagiolo. Roma: Allemandi, Cremona: Fezzi, Roma: La Torre d'Orfeo, Minervini Zardin.


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Granelli, Giovanni. Seila figlia di Jefie, Modena: Soliani, Manasse Re Di Giuda. Tommaso d'Aquino, Herr, Mireille. Luciani, Paola. Le passioni e gli affetti. Studi sul teatro tragico del Settecento. Pisa: Pacini, Martello, Pier Jacopo. Della tragedia antica e moderna , in Scritti critici e satirici, a cura di Hannibal S. Noce, Laterza, Bari , pp.

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