Over the last two years, Russia has been rocked by waves of protests against Putin's continued rule, generally, and, more specifically, against the government's decision to raise retirement ages.
Thousands of people have been detained at such protests, often after being manhandled by police or government supporters, such as members of the SERB nationalist group or pseudo-Cossack formations. At the same time, state domination of the media means that ordinary Russians hear next to nothing about such events. As a result, Agit Rossii founders have pledged to find new ways to take opposition political messages to new audiences and to contradict the image of national unity that the Putin government attempts to project. It uses the Soviet-era term "agitatsiya," meaning making efforts to increase political awareness and activity.
Through street agitation, these people can learn something new and can form doubts about the picture of the world that they usually see on television. It is an approach that Agit Rossii and like-minded activists have dubbed "actionism. On Agit Rossii's page on the VK social-media site, people are invited to print out the Shameful Regiment posters to carry out their own under-the-radar protests, such as stuffing them into mailboxes.
The group also protested earlier this month against a visit to the city by the staunchly pro-Kremlin television moderator Vladimir Solovyov.
Agit Rossii member Pavel Ivankin was sentenced to 10 days in jail for purportedly refusing to obey a police officer in connection with that protest, during which the activists plastered Shameful Regiment posters of Solovyov all over the venue where he was scheduled to speak. They start discussing the action itself and then move on to recognize the underlying problems.
Actionism is very good and is needed to reach a mass audience. Andrei Pivovarov, chairman of the Open Russia movement, also praised actionism as a way for young people to be heard. Everyone wants to express themselves. Astoundingly enough, the Cornish simply released him and he soon returned to the fray. It would appear at this late stage, the rebels' hearts were no longer in the battle and they were already contemplating its aftermath and the King's revenge.
The two other Royal divisions attacked the Cornish precisely as planned and, as Bacon succinctly put it: being ill-armed and ill-led, and without horse or artillery, they were with no great difficulty cut in pieces and put to flight.
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Estimates of the Cornish dead range from to 2, and a general slaughter of the broken army was well under way when An Gof gave the order for surrender. He fled but only got as far as Greenwich before being captured. The less enterprising Baron Audley and Thomas Flamank were taken on the field of battle. By 2pm, Henry VII had returned to the City in triumph, knighting deserving parties on the way, to accept the acclamation of the Mayor and attend a service of thanksgiving at St Paul's.
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In due course, severe monetary penalties, extracted by Crown agents, pauperised sections of Cornwall for years to come. Estates were seized and handed to more loyal subjects. The remaining rebels that escaped went home ending the rebellion. An Gof and Flamank were both sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered.
However they "enjoyed" the king's mercy and were allowed to hang until dead before being decapitated. They were executed at Tyburn on 27 June An Gof is recorded to have said before his execution that he should have "a name perpetual and a fame permanent and immortal". Thomas Flamank was quoted as saying "Speak the truth and only then can you be free of your chains".
Audley, as a peer of the realm, was beheaded on 28 June at Tower Hill. Their heads were then displayed on pike-staffs " gibbeted " on London Bridge. In , a commemorative march named Keskerdh Kernow Cornish: Cornwall marches on! Keverne to Blackheath, London, to celebrate the Quincentennial th anniversary of the Cornish Rebellion.
Keverne and commemorative plaques were also unveiled at Guildford and on Blackheath. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
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He noted that we need to understand the delusion of ones in difficult and troubled times, just like the vision and the sacrifice of others in defending the threatened right to a Montenegrin name and uniqueness. He pointed out that the Christmas uprising was an event that was not known for a long time, but "the truth always finds ways to show to the light, despite the depth of oblivion. This is a replica that was made according to the originals of the officer's swords from , which will be used in all future ceremonies that require and imply the participation of the Ceremonial Guard of the Army of Montenegro.
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The aim was to cancel the decisions of the so-called Podgorica Assembly, dated 26th November , on the illegal and illegitimate attachment of Montenegro to Serbia, and to liberate Montenegro from the actual military occupation of the Serbian army, to defend and affirm Montenegro's state independence, and that Montenegro as a fully hedged and equal state-legal subject enters the Yugoslav Confederation.
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