e-book Sociologie de la précarité : Domaines et approches (French Edition)

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Grand Prix du livre de la mode Collection : Sciences humaines Parution : janvier Extraits presse. Le travail dans la mode comme travail postfordiste 6. Contact : d. In the context of the market flexibility debate, they point to the important role of experts that govern the rules and practices of recruitment,. This analysis is also put into the context of a comparison of French and UK labour markets Bessy and al. Before closing the Economics review, let us mention an important study by Lefevre, Michon and Viprey which results from a survey of temporary agency high executives.

The question is even more difficult when we turn to psychic suffering. Only psychological or psychoanalytical literature can adequately address the question of scientific definitions in this domain. Two main references emerge here conspicuously: Mendel , among many books and Dejours The key question is the relation between both pleasure and suffering derived from individual and collective work experience. Such a theoretical framework allows for understanding why certain work situations and certain occupations or professions are particularly prone to suffering and in some cases to an impossible or hugely costly individual psychic adaptation.

However, the material involved here is clinical and it never corresponds with the items of statistical surveys. In , when the first manifestations of the changing employment relationship emerged, F. Sellier, a labour economist, remarked that the contemporary discourse on social and economic precariousness was paradoxical. The more extensive wage labour was, the more unbearable exceptions to wage labour stability appeared Many analysts forget to recall the fact that the standard employment contract full time indeterminate-term along with a monthly paid wage at least the minimum monthly wage has been only prevalent for a short time in history in France.

What is probably observable in the French case is that, due to totally different economic conditions and political reforms from the 80s, public awareness to the deteriorating legal and social protection, as well as income conditions of a growing number of jobs have resulted in a very widely disseminated social sentiment that the general conditions of life, or working life have worsened.

We have to specify our object and to identify areas, dimensions, stakes so as to be coherent with the anticipated conclusion as to whether policies and programmes may be devised and implemented at a European level. These meanings did not appear all at the same time and the tables below show the distinctions between the different decades under review. In France, it is not at all irrelevant that the question of precariousness was in the first place raised in a context of risk of poverty for certain groups, and social vulnerability in general.

The result of the existing different meanings is a very loose debate linked to a general consensus about precariousness based on a limited number of indicators, the most important of which being the ratio of FPEs to the active population, part time and the percentage of hiring in limited duration contracts in the private sector.

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A general and increasing precariousness of society is very often inferred from these indicators, whatever their inherent limitations. The word and notion are still very controversial, both in French economics and sociology. Consequently much is expected from the state in terms of protective legislation and intervention This helps to explain why the focus on a-typical employment and the so-called FPEs is so great.

Historically from the s, the first question the state was challenged with was the lack of comprehensive social protection for the potentially poor. Then it was unemployment and then again the development of specific forms of labour contracts. In doing its bit to fight unemployment the state also contributed to the extension of FPEs as well as flexibilisation by stealth.

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  6. Obviously not all job holders of a-typical — or even of precarious — job positions feel in a precarious position. On the other hand, stable job holders may feel precarious in their positions. There is a wide gap between the tendencies shown by for instance the latest ILO , Auer study and the public perceptions, as for instance illustrated by OECD Normative assumptions — which, for a great part of them are consistent with the particular contemporary set of consensual values in a national context as Vivian Schmid has extensively shown — are very often, if not always, present in the appreciation of precariousness situations.

    One of the key arguments raised by those who assess the extension of precariousness in general in France is that the relatively minor amounts of unstable or insecure jobs in terms of stocks affects the entire labour force. Only rarely and recently employment flexibility and flexibility of work have been dissociated Barbier and Nadel, Firms strategies are here prominent.

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    The legitimacy of a degree of flexibility on the labour market is rarely challenged altogether, and it is enhanced by the consequences of international competition [the balance to be struck between flexibility and security is common reference]. For economists, not all special forms of employment are precarious. Economists tend to focus much more on the question of inequalities in terms of income, access to social protection for the long term, and the distribution of flexibility constraints. As we will see in chapter 3 and the following, the issue is then one of identifying precisely segmentation.

    The other fundamental question is of course how macro-economic policy on one side and employment protection on the other respectively affect job creation and the characteristics of these jobs. Rather exceptionally sociologists tend to separate different types of precariousness, some of them leading to integration. Another point also remains to be clarified for the common definition of employment precariousness, again in the perspective of social trajectories, namely the 99 Unless one has statistical evidence of voluntary mobility as against involuntary, an indicator for mobility can be interpreted either in terms of precariousness or not.

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