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Until 23 October , [3] the Vichy Regime was acknowledged as the official government of France by the United States and other countries, including Canada, which were at the same time at war with Germany. The United Kingdom maintained unofficial contacts with Vichy, at least until it became apparent that the Vichy Prime Minister, Pierre Laval , intended full collaboration with the Germans. Even after that it maintained an ambivalent attitude towards the alternative Free French movement and future government. The Vichy government's claim that it was the de jure French government was challenged by the Free French Forces of Charles de Gaulle based first in London and later in Algiers and subsequent French governments.

They have continuously held that the Vichy Regime was an illegal government run by traitors. The main arguments advanced against Vichy's right to incarnate the continuity of the French State were based on the pressure exerted by Laval on deputies in Vichy, and on the absence of 27 deputies and senators who had fled on the ship Massilia and could thus not take part in the vote. Within Vichy France, there was a low-intensity civil war between the French Resistance , drawn mainly, though not exclusively, from the Communist and Republican elements of society against the reactionary elements who desired a fascist or similar regime as in Francisco Franco 's Spain.

This civil war can be seen as the continuation of a division existing within French society since the French Revolution , illustrated by events such as:. France declared war on Germany on 3 September following the German invasion of Poland. After the eight-month Phoney War , the Germans launched their offensive in the west on 10 May Within days, it became clear that French forces were overwhelmed and that military collapse was imminent.

Government and military leaders, deeply shocked by the debacle, debated how to proceed. Many officials, including Prime Minister Paul Reynaud , wanted to move the government to French territories in North Africa, and continue the war with the French Navy and colonial resources.

The latter view called for an immediate cessation of hostilities. While this debate continued, the government was forced to relocate several times, finally reaching Bordeaux, in order to avoid capture by advancing German forces. Communications were poor and thousands of civilian refugees clogged the roads. In these chaotic conditions, advocates of an armistice gained the upper hand. The Cabinet agreed on a proposal to seek armistice terms from Germany, with the understanding that, should Germany set forth dishonourable or excessively harsh terms, France would retain the option to continue to fight.

General Charles Huntziger , who headed the French armistice delegation, was told to break off negotiations if the Germans demanded the occupation of all metropolitan France, the French fleet or any of the French overseas territories. They did not. He was soon, however, outvoted by those who advocated surrender.

A separate agreement was reached with Italy, which had entered the war against France on 10 June, well after the outcome of the battle was beyond doubt, and whose forces had been easily pushed back by the French. Adolf Hitler was motivated by a number of reasons to agree to the armistice. He feared that France would continue to fight from North Africa, and he wanted to ensure that the French Navy was taken out of the war. In addition, leaving a French government in place would relieve Germany of the considerable burden of administering French territory.

Finally, he hoped to direct his attentions toward Britain, where he anticipated another quick victory. Ostensibly, the French government administered the entire territory. The Germans preferred to occupy northern France themselves. For the most part, the 1. In addition, the French had to pay the occupation costs for the , strong German occupation army.

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The French had to pay at the artificial rate of twenty francs to the Mark. This was 50 times the actual costs of the occupation garrison. The French government also had the responsibility for preventing any French people from going into exile. In southern France, the French were allowed an army.

Domaines d’activité

The article also allowed for the military provision of the French colonial empire overseas. The function of these forces was to keep internal order and to defend French territories from Allied assault. The French forces were to remain under the overall direction of the German armed forces. The exact strength of the Vichy French Metropolitan Army was set at 3, officers, 15, non-commissioned officers, and 75, men. All Vichy French forces had to be volunteers. In addition to the army, the size of the Gendarmerie was fixed at 60, men plus an anti-aircraft force of 10, men.

Despite the influx of trained soldiers from the colonial forces reduced in size in accordance with the Armistice , there was a shortage of volunteers. As a result, 30, men of the "class of " were retained to fill the quota. At the beginning of , these conscripts were released, but there still was an insufficient number of men. This shortage was to remain until the dissolution, despite Vichy appeals to the Germans for a regular form of conscription.

The Vichy French Metropolitan Army was deprived of tanks and other armored vehicles. The army was also desperately short of motorized transport. This was a special problem in the cavalry units which were supposed to be motorized. Surviving recruiting posters for the Army of the Armistice stress the opportunities for athletic activities, including horsemanship.

This partially reflects the general emphasis placed by the Vichy regime on rural virtues and outdoor activities, and partially the realities of service in a small and technologically backward military force. Traditional features characteristic of the pre French Army, such as kepis and heavy capotes buttoned back greatcoats , were replaced by berets and simplified uniforms. The Army of the Armistice was not used against resistance groups active in the south of France, leaving this role to the Vichy Milice militia. Members of the regular army were therefore able to defect in significant numbers to the Maquis , following the German occupation of southern France and the disbandment of the Army of the Armistice in November By contrast the Milice continued to collaborate and were subject to reprisals after the Liberation.

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The Vichy French colonial forces were reduced in accordance with the Armistice. Still, in the Mediterranean area alone, the Vichy French had nearly , men in arms. The colonial forces were allowed some armored vehicles. France was also required to turn over to German custody anyone within the country whom the Germans demanded. The French thought this to be a "dishonourable" term, since it would require France to hand over persons who had entered France seeking refuge from Germany.

Attempts to negotiate the point with Germany were unsuccessful, and the French decided not to press the issue to the point of refusing the Armistice, though they may have hoped to ameliorate the requirement in future negotiations with Germany after the signing. On 1 July , the Parliament and the government gathered in Vichy, a city in the centre of France, which was used as a provisional capital. They used every means available: promising some ministerial posts, threatening and intimidating others. By the same vote, they also granted him the power to write a new constitution.

The legality of this vote has been contested by the majority of French historians and by all French governments after the war. Three main arguments are put forward:. Partisans of the Vichy claim, on the contrary, point out that the revision was voted by the two chambers the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies , in conformity with the law.

The argument concerning the abrogation of procedure is grounded on the absence and on the non-voluntary abstentions of representatives of the people the 27 on board the Massilia , and additional 92 deputies and 57 senators some of whom were in Vichy, but not present for the vote. In total, the parliament was composed of members, deputies and senators. One senator and 26 deputies were on the Massilia.

One senator did not vote. Thus, out of a total of deputies, only voted; and out of a total of senators, only voted. The debate is thus not only of legitimacy versus legality indeed, by this fact alone, Charles de Gaulle's claim to hold legitimacy ignores the interior resistance. But it rather concerns the illegal circumstances of this vote. This constitution must guarantee the rights of labor, of family and of the fatherland. It will be ratified by the nation and applied by the assemblies which it has created.

Elective bodies were replaced by nominated ones. The "municipalities" and the departmental commissions were thus placed under the authority of the administration and of the prefects nominated by and dependent on the executive power. In January the National Council Conseil National , composed of notables from the countryside and the provinces, was instituted under the same conditions. Both the United States and the Soviet Union recognized the new regime, despite Charles de Gaulle's attempts, in London, to oppose this decision.

So too did Canada and Australia. Only the German occupation of all of France in November ended this diplomatic recognition. Historians distinguish between a state collaboration followed by the regime of Vichy, and "collaborationists", which usually refer to the French citizens eager to collaborate with Germany and who pushed towards a radicalization of the regime.

Numéros en texte intégral

Organized by Laval, a strong proponent of collaboration, the interview and the handshake were photographed, and Nazi propaganda made strong use of this photo to gain support from the civilian population. The composition of the Vichy cabinet, and its policies, were mixed. Others, like Joseph Darnand , were strong anti-Semites and overt Nazi sympathizers.

On the other hand, technocrats such as Jean Bichelonne or engineers from the Groupe X-Crise used their position to push various state, administrative and economic reforms. These reforms would be one of the strongest elements arguing in favor of the thesis of a continuity of the French administration before and after the war.

Many of these civil servants remained in function after the war, or were quickly reestablished in their functions after a short-term moment during which they were set aside, while much of these reforms were retained and reinforced after the war. In the same way as the necessities of war economy during the first World War I had pushed toward state measures which organized the economy of France against the prevailing classical liberal theories, an organization which was retained after the Treaty of Versailles , reforms adopted during World War II were kept and extended.

Examples of such continuities include the creation of the "French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems" by Alexis Carrel , a renowned physician who also supported eugenics. Starting in the autumn of , the GMR were used in lower-intensity if still vicious actions against the Resistants in the maquis , though the primary forces for major fighting missions were the German military and, secondarily and ahead of the GMR, the Franc-garde branch of the Milice. After the war the GMR would be integrated into the French army and police forces, like other remaining army and police forces except those that actively fought the Free French Army.

Vichy imitated the racial policies of the Third Reich and also engaged in natalist policies aimed at reviving the "French race", although these policies never went as far as the eugenics program implemented by the Nazis. As soon as July , Vichy set up a special Commission charged of reviewing the naturalizations granted since the reform of the nationality law.

Between June and August , 15, persons, mostly Jews, were denaturalized. The internment camps already opened by the Third Republic were immediately put to a new use, before ultimately inserting themselves as necessary transit camps for the implementation of the Holocaust and the extermination of all "undesirables", including the Roma people who refer to the extermination of Gypsies as Porrajmos. An October decree authorized internments of Jews on the sole basis of a prefectoral order , and the first raids took place in May The Third Republic had opened various concentration camps, first used during World War I to intern enemy aliens.

Camp Gurs , for example, had been set up in the south-western part of France after the fall of Spanish Catalonia , in the first months of , during the Spanish Civil War — , to receive the Republican refugees , including Brigadists from all nations, fleeing the Francists. Drancy internment camp was founded in for this use. It later became the central transit camp through which all deportees passed before heading to the concentration and extermination camps in the Third Reich and in Eastern Europe.

Furthermore, when the Phoney War started with France's declaration of war against Germany on 3 September , these camps were used to intern enemy aliens. Common-law prisoners were also evacuated from the prisons in the north of France, before the advance of the Wehrmacht , and interned in these camps.

Camp Gurs then received its first contingent of political prisoners in June , which included left-wing activists communists, anarchists , trade-unionists, anti-militarists , etc.

Besides the political prisoners already detained there, Gurs was then used to intern foreign Jews, stateless persons , Gypsies, homosexuals, and prostitutes. Vichy opened its first internment camp in the northern zone on 5 October , in Aincourt , in the Seine-et-Oise department, which it quickly filled with PCF members.

Besides the concentration camps opened by Vichy, the Germans also opened on French territory some Ilags Internierungslager to detain enemy aliens, and in Alsace, which had been annexed by the Reich, they opened the camp of Natzweiler , which is the only concentration camp created by Nazis on French territory annexed by the Third Reich. Natzweiler included a gas chamber which was used to exterminate at least 86 detainees mostly Jewish with the aim obtaining a collection of undamaged skeletons as this mode of execution did no damage to the skeletons themselves for the use of Nazi professor August Hirt.

Furthermore, Vichy enacted a number of racist laws. Charged with the "study, in all of its aspects, of measures aimed at safeguarding, improving and developing the French population in all of its activities", the Foundation was created by decree of the collaborationist Vichy regime in , and Carrel appointed as 'regent'. The Foundation was behind the origin of the 16 December Act inventing the " prenuptial certificate ", which had to precede any marriage and was supposed, after a biological examination, to insure the "good health" of the spouses, in particular in regard to sexually transmitted diseases STD and "life hygiene" sic.

Carrel's institute also conceived the "scholar booklet" "livret scolaire " , which could be used to record students' grades in the French secondary schools , and thus classify and select them according to scholastic performance. Beside these eugenics activities aimed at classifying the population and "improving" its "health", the Foundation also supported the 11 October law instituting occupational medicine , enacted by the Provisional Government of the French Republic GPRF after the Liberation.

The foundation, which after the war became the INED demographics institute, employed researchers from the summer of to the end of the autumn [ when? It was given financial autonomy and a budget of forty million francs, roughly one franc per inhabitant: a true luxury considering the burdens imposed by the German Occupation on the nation's resources. Since the early s, Alexis Carrel advocated the use of gas chambers to rid humanity of its "inferior stock", endorsing the scientific racism discourse.

One of the founder of these pseudoscientifical theories had been Arthur de Gobineau in his — essay titled An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races. In the preface to the German edition of his book, Alexis Carrel had added a praise to the eugenics policies of the Third Reich, writing that:. The ideal solution would be the suppression of each of these individuals as soon as he has proven himself to be dangerous. Carrel also wrote in his book that: t he conditioning of petty criminals with the whip, or some more scientific procedure, followed by a short stay in hospital, would probably suffice to insure order.

Those who have murdered, robbed while armed with automatic pistol or machine gun, kidnapped children, despoiled the poor of their savings, misled the public in important matters, should be humanely and economically disposed of in small euthanasic institutions supplied with proper gasses. A similar treatment could be advantageously applied to the insane, guilty of criminal acts.

Alexis Carrel had also taken an active part to a symposium in Pontigny organized by Jean Coutrot , the " Entretiens de Pontigny ". Poster above the entrance of an anti-semitic exposition called "The Jew and France". In the sole department of the Seine , encompassing Paris and its immediate suburbs, nearly , persons, unaware of the upcoming danger and assisted by the French police, presented themselves to the police offices, in accordance with the military order.

The registered information was then centralized by the French police, who constructed, under the direction of inspector Tulard, a central filing system. According to the Dannecker report , "this filing system is subdivided into files alphabetically classed, Jewish with French nationality and foreign Jewish having files of different colours, and the files were also classed, according to profession, nationality and street" of residency [30].

They were then used by the Gestapo on various raids, among them the August raid in the 11th arrondissement of Paris, during which 3, foreign Jews and 1, French Jews were interned in various camps, including Drancy. Furthermore, the French police noted on this occasion, on each identity documents of the Jewish people, their registration as Jews. As Italian political philosopher Giorgio Agamben has pointed out, this racial profiling was an important step in the organization of the police raids against the French Jewish community.

On 3 October , the Vichy government voluntarily promulgated the first Statute on Jews , which created a special, underclass of French Jewish citizens, and enforced, for the first time ever in France, racial segregation.

Dans les yeux d'Olivier - Rejetés par les siens

In the German occupied northern zone, yellow badges , a reminiscence of old Christian and Muslim Anti-Semitism Middle Ages were required to be worn by Jews. The police also oversaw the confiscation of telephones and radios from Jewish homes and enforced a curfew on Jews starting from February It attentively monitored the Jews who did not respect the prohibition, according to which they were not supposed to appear in public places and had to travel in the last car of the Parisian metro.

All Jews and others "undesirables" passed through Drancy before heading to Auschwitz and other camps. The police arrested 13, Jews, including 4, children—which the Gestapo had not asked for—and 5, women on 16 and 17 July, and imprisoned them in the Winter Velodrome in unhygienic conditions. They were led to Drancy internment camp run by Nazi Alois Brunner , who is still wanted for crimes against humanity, and French constabulary police , then crammed into box car transports and shipped by rail to Auschwitz.

Most of the victims died enroute due to lack of food or water. The remaining survivors were sent to the gas chambers. This action alone represented more than a quarter of the 42, French Jews sent to concentration camps in , of which only would return after the end of the war. On 16 July , president Jacques Chirac officially apologized for the participation of French police forces in the July raid. The French police, headed by Bousquet, arrested 7, Jews in the southern zone in August Then, on 22, 23 and 24 January , assisted by Bousquet's police force, the Germans organized a raid in Marseilles.

During the Battle of Marseilles , the French police checked the identity documents of 40, people, and the operation succeeded in sending 2, Marseillese people in the death trains, leading to the extermination camps. The operation also encompassed the expulsion of an entire neighborhood 30, persons in the Old Port before its destruction. It is another notable case of the French police's willful collaboration with the Nazis.

Family Mediation in France (en anglais)

A principal motivation and ideological foundation among collaborationnistes was anticommunism and the desire to see the defeat of the Bolsheviks. A number of the French advocated fascist philosophies even before the occupation. Organizations such as La Cagoule , had contributed to the destabilization of the Third Republic, particularly when the left-wing Popular Front was in power. Collaborationists may have influenced the Vichy government's policies, but ultra-collaborationists never comprised the majority of the government before Leahy to France as American ambassador.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull hoped to use American influence to encourage those elements in the Vichy government opposed to military collaboration with Germany. The Americans also hoped to encourage Vichy to resist German war demands, such as for air bases in French-mandated Syria or to move war supplies through French territories in North Africa. The essential American position was that France should take no action not explicitly required by the armistice terms that could adversely affect Allied efforts in the war.

President Roosevelt disliked Charles de Gaulle, whom he regarded as an "apprentice dictator. This first choice having failed, they turned to Henri Giraud a short time before the landing in North Africa on 8 November US General Mark W. Clark of the combined Allied command made Admiral Darlan sign on 22 November , a treaty putting "North Africa to the disposition of the Americans" and making of France "a vassal country.

After the assassination of Darlan on 24 December , Washington turned again towards Henri Giraud, to whom had rallied Maurice Couve de Murville , who had financial responsibilities in Vichy, and Lemaigre-Dubreuil , a former member of La Cagoule and entrepreneur, as well as Alfred Pose , general director of the Banque nationale pour le commerce et l'industrie National Bank for Trade and Industry.

Initially, Winston Churchill was ambivalent about de Gaulle and he dropped ties with Vichy only when it became clear they would not fight. Even so, the Free France headquarters in London was riven with internal divisions and jealousies. The additional participation of Free French forces in the Syrian operation was controversial within Allied circles. It raised the prospect of Frenchmen shooting at Frenchmen, raising fears of a civil war. Additionally, it was believed that the Free French were widely reviled within Vichy military circles, and that Vichy forces in Syria were less likely to resist the British if they were not accompanied by elements of the Free French.

Point de vue

Nevertheless, de Gaulle convinced Churchill to allow his forces to participate, although de Gaulle was forced to agree to a joint British and Free French proclamation promising that Syria and Lebanon would become fully independent at the end of the war. However, there were still French naval ships under Vichy French control. Vice Admiral Somerville, with Force H under his command, was instructed to deal with the situation in July Various terms were offered to the French squadron, but all were rejected.

Consequently, Force H opened fire on the French ships. Nearly 1, French sailors died when the Bretagne blew up in the attack. Less than two weeks after the armistice, Britain had fired upon forces of its former ally. The result was shock and resentment towards the UK within the French Navy, and to a lesser extent in the general French public. In time, the majority of the colonies tended to switch to the Allied side peacefully in response to persuasion and to changing events. This did not, however, happen overnight: Guadeloupe and Martinique in the West Indies , as well as French Guiana on the northern coast of South America, did not join the Free French until This was chiefly because their proximity to Europe made them easier to maintain without Allied interference; this same proximity also gave them strategic importance for the European theater of the war.

Relations between the United Kingdom and the Vichy government were difficult. The destruction of the fleet followed a standoff during which the British insisted that the French either scuttle their vessels, sail to a neutral port or join them in the war against Germany. These options were refused and the fleet was destroyed. This move by Britain hardened relations between the two former allies and caused more of the French population to side with Vichy against the British-supported Free French. The port was under the control of the Vichy French.

By 25 September, the battle was over, the plan was unsuccessful, and Dakar remained under Vichy French control. Overall, the Battle of Dakar did not go well for the Allies. The Vichy French did not back down. The bombing started on the 24 September in response to the first engagement in Dakar on 23 September. The bombing ended on 25 September. This was after the facilities at Gibraltar suffered heavy damage. In June the next flashpoint between Britain and Vichy France came when a revolt in Iraq was put down by British forces.

That highlighted Syria as a threat to British interests in the Middle East. From 5 May to 6 November , another major operation by British and Commonwealth forces against Vichy French territory, took place in Madagascar. This operation was known as the Battle of Madagascar , or Operation Ironclad. The British feared that Japanese forces might use Madagascar as a base and thus cripple British trade and communications in the Indian Ocean.

As a result, Madagascar was invaded by British and Commonwealth forces. The isolated colonial administration was cut off from outside help and outside supplies. After negotiations with Japan the French allowed the Japanese to set up military bases in Indochina. This seemingly subservient behavior convinced the regime of Major-General Plaek Pibulsonggram , the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand , that Vichy France would not seriously resist a confrontation with Thailand.

In October , the military forces of Thailand attacked across the border with Indochina and launched the French-Thai War. Though the French won an important naval victory over the Thais, the Japanese forced the French to accept their mediation of a peace treaty that returned parts of Cambodia and Laos that had been taken from Thailand around the turn of the century to Thai control. This territorial loss was a major blow to French pride, especially since the ruins of Angkor Wat , of which the French were especially proud, were located in the region of Cambodia returned to Thailand.

During the Italian invasion and occupation of Ethiopia in the mids and during the early stages of World War II, constant border skirmishes occurred between the forces in French Somaliland and the forces in Italian East Africa. The colony remained loyal to Vichy France during the East African Campaign but stayed out of that conflict.

This lasted until December By that time, the Italians had been defeated and the French colony was isolated by a British blockade. Free French and the Allied forces recaptured the colony's capital of Djibouti at the end of A local battalion from Djibouti participated in the liberation of France in The invasion, known as Operation Torch, was launched because the Soviet Union had pressed the United States and Britain to start operations in Europe, and open a second front to reduce the pressure of German forces on the Russian troops.

While the American commanders favored landing in occupied Europe as soon as possible Operation Sledgehammer , the British commanders believed that such a move would end in disaster. An attack on French North Africa was proposed instead. This would clear the Axis Powers from North Africa, improve naval control of the Mediterranean, and prepare an invasion of Southern Europe in The French possessions in Oceania joined the Free French side in , or in one case in They then served as bases for the Allied effort in the Pacific and contributed troops to the Free French Forces.

The outcome was decided in a public meeting on 20 July and conveyed to De Gaulle on 22 July Following the Appeal of 18 June , debate arose among the population of French Polynesia. A referendum was organized on 2 September in Tahiti and Moorea , with outlying islands reporting agreement in following days. The vote was massively vs.

Troops from French Polynesia and New Caledonia formed a Bataillon du Pacifique in ; became part of the 1st Free French Division in , distinguishing themselves during the Battle of Bir Hakeim and subsequently combining with another unit to form the Bataillon d'infanterie de marine et du Pacifique ; fought in the Italian Campaign , distinguishing itself at the Garigliano during the Battle of Monte Cassino and on to Tuscany ; and participated in the Provence landings and onwards to the liberation of France.

The situation stagnated for a long while, due to the great remoteness of the islands and the fact that no overseas ship visited the islands for 17 months after January This allowed American forces to build an airbase and seaplane base on Wallis Navy that served the Allied Pacific operations. Due to its location on the edge of the Coral Sea and on the flank of Australia, New Caledonia became strategically critical in the effort to combat the Japanese advance in the Pacific in — and to protect the sea lanes between North America and Australia.

Hitler ordered Case Anton , to occupy Corsica and then the rest of unoccupied southern zone, in immediate reaction to the landing of the Allies in North Africa Operation Torch on 8 November Qui concilie? Pour faire quoi, et pour qui? Stewart La notion de conciliation professionnelle et familiale. Ce faisant elle laisse sur la touche ceux qui ont une famille et pas de travail et ceux. Dans cette logique :. La conciliation dans les politiques publiques.

La conciliation dans les politiques familiales. Peut-on parler pour autant de conciliation? La conciliation dans les conventions et les accords collectifs. La domiciliation conventionnelle de la conciliation. La division familiale du travail, la vie en double. Beauvoir de Simone Bercusson Brian Commaille Jacques Corbeil-Descarries Daune-Richard Anne-Marie In Z, 'emploi des femmes. Equal Opportunities and Collective Bargaining in Europe, 1. Defining the Issues. Femmes et partage du travail. Jobert Annette Rapport pour le BIT, avril.