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There are no discussion topics on this book yet. About Sandra Carneiro. Even if the word " maquiaveliano " has been accepted for decades in Brazilian Portuguese, used with clearly denotative meanings i. Therefore, even today, only entries with derogatory meanings are registered in general.

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Before we try to answer these questions, let us consider the reasons why Croce talks about a "deep reason" for "discontent" when reading "many books, Italian and foreign" about Machiavelli. The Italian philosopher says:. But Croce pointed out two more interpretative lines of the Machiavellian work that, in his view, are incorrect:. Therefore, according to Croce, the theses that say Machiavelli "did nothing more than to put in writing the habits of his time" would be wrong, even if found in many books. Another interpretation would be that he was "a revealer of the oppressions and cruelties of the absolute monarchs to the people".

Or even just "a fervent Italian patriot who committed all the energies of his mind and all the passion of his heart to the greatness and salvation of the homeland". Referring to the analytical scheme of the Italian philosopher, would interpretations of the Machiavellian work also emerge in Brazil - chronologically before - based on one or more of these three concepts, which, according to Croce, are incorrect? Studies carried out in Portugal and Brazil enable us to answer the second question.


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When comparing the Lusophone environment to other great linguistic and cultural backgrounds of European origin, one must first recognize the "delay" in the publication of Il principe fully translated into Portuguese and the beginning of the free circulation of the book in the country. O principe. Two years later, in , the first complete Portuguese translation was published in Coimbra. Even though the translation and publication of Il principe was most delayed in the Portuguese-Brazilian area, it does not mean that, in this context, the Machiavellian works have remained unknown.

Giuseppe Marcocci claims that it is possible to recognize clear signs of Machiavellian notions, camouflaged with wisdom, in the Portuguese political treatises published shortly after the publication of the first Roman editions of the Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio and De principatibus If there was an immediate adoption of the lessons of the Florentine secretary by the Portuguese scholars - prompting Portugal, in the words of Marcocci, to strengthen its empire "in the shadow of.

Jornada Dos Anjos Portuguese

Machiavelli" -, 17 on the other hand, two reactions of unambiguous meaning. Studies on the definitions of words derived from the noun "Machiavelli" in dictionaries over the centuries show that even today only entries with derogatory meanings are recorded in general. These restrictions produced a paradoxical situation: theoretically, no one could read the works of Machiavelli because they were banned. Yet, at the same time, the name of the Florentine secretary would be established in the Portuguese language as a common name, to the point of being labeled as a noun in dictionaries, as we have seen, with only derogatory connotative meanings.

Therefore, the Brazilian and Portuguese translations were published after the start of a process of re-reading of the Florentine secretary's works at the international level.

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Both translations were published before the reflections of Croce and, thereby, likely to be studied according to his analytical framework, proposed about 15 years later by the Italian philosopher. Figure 1. Photographs of the back covers of The prince , by Nicholas Machiavelli. Would it be possible to recognize in the first edition - the Brazilian translation by Calvino Filho - a form of awareness about the distortion of the work of Machiavelli as a result of the Portuguese censorship, reflected in a certain way by the lexicographers at the linguistic level? In other words, how did Brazil, a country that little more than a decade before celebrated the centenary of its own independence, experience the opportunity to pierce the veil of the inquisitorial heritage on an issue so emblematic, according to Wilson Martins, 21 due to the centuries-old exclusion from the cultural achievements of the Italian Rinascimento?

Or would the translation by Calvino Filho publishing house confirm, even in the s, the interpretation of inquisitorial profile of Il principe that was transmitted over the centuries first by the Portuguese dictionaries? They highlight obvious differences concerning the vexata quaestio of the Portuguese orthographic rules, as can be noted from the diversity of transcriptions of the Florentine secretary's name, with "Nicholas Machiavel" in the Brazilian edition and "Nicolau Maquiavel" in the Lusitanian publication. This latest edition, "with an article by Mussolini as an introduction", reminisced about what happened in Italy shortly before, namely, the publication of the famous edition of Il principe con il prelude al Machiavelli di Benito Mussolini and Il Saggio di Francesco De Sanctis in The Brazilian edition, which was published two years before the Lusitanian version, had on the cover the indication of a preface by Mauricio de Medeiros, an intellectual who, in addition to his involvement in the psychiatric medical field, would distinguish himself as a writer and polemicist for the political positions he held under the presidencies of Nereu Ramos and Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira.

Before going on to the preface of The prince published by Calvino Filho, we must remember some relevant facts about the political activity of Mauricio de Medeiros in that cultural environment of Rio de Janeiro. This is evidently a denunciation of a serious political situation, in which there would be no more "legitimate power", as a result of a "revolution" whose "programs" and "actions" would be inconsistent", according to Medeiros. About these programs and actions, he would weave bitter reflections:.

Dir-se-ia que vivemos sob o mesmo culto da incompetencia, que caracteriza o regimen presidencial. To defend his thesis of a Brazil living "under the same cult of incompetence" that had characterized the previous "presidential regime", Medeiros chooses to offer an argumentative explanation, in which a series of questions correspond to answers with the aim of showing how and why the "revolutionaries" had failed:.

Combater oligarchias? E o Codigo dos Interventores? When evaluating the results, after "nearly one and a half year", and the "real objectives" of the "acts" performed by the "Revolution" and its various protagonists, Medeiros says:. Estamos ha mais de um anno sendo governados sem Congresso. Convinced that presidentialism led to great evils nurtured for 40 years and that political revolutionaries continued progressing on the same line, Medeiros says:. Dir-se-ia que temem ir ao fundo da ferida.

In the final pages of his essay, Medeiros describes which feelings and intentions led him to write it:. Mais de vinte annos de jornalismo, de vida intellectual no magisterio, nas tribunas de conferencia, nas do Parlamento - nunca me deixaram comprehender de outra forma as cousas brazileiras. But his political involvement manifests in another way this time. He chooses a linguistic approach - to be more accurate, lexical-semantic - in order to help the reader understand a work that could contribute to the "historical reflection" about what he considers to be the complicated current Brazilian politics of the moment:.

Figure 2. Com elle se creou um adjectivo: "machiavelico", e um substantivo: "machiavelismo" If we consider the "position" chosen by the preface writer for his intervention, which, to paraphrase the words of Genette, is not "neutral", 37 he explains the starting point of his reflections with specifically linguisticsemantic arguments, presented as if they were obvious to any Brazilian. However, if observed more closely, these ideas raise some questions.

According to his linguistic and cultural awareness, the preface writer considers obvious a pejorative connotative meaning for "Machiavelli's name" that semantically is even worse than the meanings usually recorded by Portuguese dictionaries. In other words, in the common Brazilian linguistic-cultural awareness, the word "Machiavelli" has meanings that are typical of other linguistic and cultural contexts, as, for example, the Anglo-Saxon matrix.

Since the s, a specific Machiavellianism has been established among them, which would lead to. For all of them, the meanings would be equal to "satan" "devil". Seeking "to help" his readers in the comprehension of the work of a nearly "devil" "Machiavelli", Medeiros adds other semantic details: "Whenever someone acts in the practical life with duplicity, craftiness, bad faith, and insincerity, this person is called a disciple of 'Machiavelli' These are details that, unlike what was highlighted in the first two sentences, easily recall some definitions of monolingual dictionaries, in this case, Portuguese ones.

However, as we saw, lexicographers in such dictionaries have not reached the point of evoking the "devil" to define the common name "Machiavelli". It is difficult to understand today if, with this incipit , Medeiros, when writing "among us", indicated an interpretation in the "diabolical" sense that was truly shared by the Brazilian common linguistic and cultural conscience of that time, though not recorded by lexicographers.

However, based on semantic-linguistic assumptions, Medeiros ends up concluding the first paragraph of his preface stating: "But the truth is that few people know the work of the Florentine writer and the real origins of this naming process". Since Medeiros gives his assertions an axiomatic function, some important elements stand out in the first paragraph of his preface. This is the cultural environment, however, that raises other issues, taking into account the specific history of Machiavellianism outlined throughout the centuries and the different interpretations of the Machiavellian work by scholars and romantics, 43 interpretations to which Medeiros himself alludes in his preface.

Nevertheless, an issue with so many implications as the one of the sources is not mentioned in another part of the paratext in Calvino Filho's edition, nor by the preface writer himself when he introduces the translation by Elias Davidovich to the Brazilian public. But then, assuming that "among us" - in other words, in the Brazilian language and cultural identity - "Machiavelli" would mean nearly the "devil", to which interpretations of The prince did Medeiros refer to in his preface, mixing a specifically linguistic level to the content level?

In other words, he alludes to an almost "devil" "Machiavelli" influenced by which typology of Machiavellianism and, after reading Il principe , by which language means? Well, even if we recognize that the silence of Medeiros about the prototext can be easily associated with certain common editorial habits at that time, it proves to be quite significant if linked to other facts, already evident from the second paragraph of the preface:.

The preface writer expresses with clarity, and his text appears to be a legitimizing instrument of his political position. After centuries of censorship, his aim is not to present a work as The prince in a prejudicefree manner.

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The "Preface" to the edition of The prince published in Rio thus proves to be a clear denunciation of those who Medeiros believes to be the enemies of "Freedom". Il principe , quoted in Italian and defined simply as "a real treatise on methods of government in the cult of authority", is first invoked following the logic of political activism and then in a purely instrumental way. In other words, Il principe is defined as the "treatise" - by definition, a negative archetype - because of which it is possible to unmask what in had already manifested as an authoritarian regime.

According to Medeiros, some specific "Machiavellis" were to blame for this and they were also easily recognizable by the Brazilian "people", even if he adopts an only allusive expressive line in his preface. But the preface writer highlights another element concerning the cultural setting and the manner by which the political battle was raging in the capital in the early s. By enabling the Brazilian people to read Il principe in Portuguese, the author states that the Calvino Filho publishing house has done a "great service to the national education".

This statement is especially significant if we take into account the editorial line and the political role played by Calvino Filho during the "Varguismo". From an opposing stand against those in power, Medeiros is then one of the intellectuals that were active in a politically engaged publishing house, whose target was the "national education".

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