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The counselors said she still had a tremendous amount of anger and could benefit from another 28 days. This was the turning point, the time when Kristina began to work hard to achieve and maintain her sobriety.
She learned about the disease of addiction, enabling, and that she could not save her daughter. She could only change things about herself. Eventually she made the decision to leave her husband, and wound up taking her two younger daughters to live with her in a condo nearby. Her son, who spent mostly of his time away at college, decided to stay with his dad.
Mom got stronger, worked her own recovery, and began to feel a great weight lifted from her soul.
The Lost Years by Mary Higgins Clark
She was also happy for the first time in years. There are good days and bad days, just as there are in the lives of every recovering addict and his or her family. But what the reader comes away with is an in-depth look at just what addiction can do to individual members of a family. It often results in families breaking up, personal hardship, incarceration, rape, starvation, life-threatening medical conditions or situations, and an uncertain outcome.
In the case of this mother and daughter, however, the closing scene is one of redemption and hope. Kristina finds love, gets married, and has a son and a daughter. I have tried to face our issues, understand and accept my part, forgive myself, and help my children move on. Our recovery has been a process, and we have all grown, changed, and healed.
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I was convinced that sobriety was a prison and I was to serve a life sentence. I was wrong about that and I was wrong about A. Recovery has been absolutely and completely expansive, every day bigger, better, and brighter. I have been granted a life beyond my wildest expectations.
Come take the journey yourself. Read this book to get an unforgettable look at The Lost Years. Brought to you by. Your Name required. Your E-mail will not be published required. By Addiction. Tired of addiction calling the shots? Addiction treatment changes lives. It adds to our understanding of peace activism in the s and the subsequent Freeze campaign by drawing on new archival research. It follows the efforts of activists to launch a peace conversion campaign as the answer to American militarism of which the Vietnam War was only a symptom.
In so doing, these activists sowed the seeds of a new movement that targeted the warfare state while forging alliances between peace and environmental activists.
The Lost Years
In tracing these alliances, we see the continued influence of peace activism on American foreign policy and national security between the elections of and But almost immediately after accepting the Democratic nomination, the McGovern campaign began to fall apart. Since , Eagleton had three hospital stays battling severe depression. During two of these episodes, Eagleton received radical shock treatment as therapy. Eagleton's dismissal lent him the sympathy of the country and favorable press, while damaging McGovern's saintly image. In reality, no one in the Democratic field that year was capable of defeating Richard Nixon.
By election eve, Americans polled believed Nixon would end the war in Vietnam sooner than McGovern by 43—33 percent, while an even wider margin believed Nixon would lead the world toward peace sooner. The campaign raised expectations for peace in Vietnam.
The Christmas bombing claimed nearly two thousand lives. In protest of the escalation, three thousand people marched in New York City. Inundated with letters, Congress threatened to pass legislation to end the war if the fighting did not stop. Although American involvement in the Vietnam War was ending, for the weary peace movement, the battle to stop the next Vietnam was just beginning. Amid American involvement in Vietnam, the Pentagon began planning for the modernization of its existing forces. It would both boost America's defenses, while strengthening its position in arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union.
With the aerospace industry ailing, Nixon's election in brought hope of a financial windfall to defense industry titans such as Lockheed. The Nixon administration, however, awarded the contract to a heavy contributor to the Nixon campaign: Rockwell International RI. The plane and the Rockwell contract, however, were not without controversy. For a short period, even Nixon seemed on the fence over the program.
Fears of rising costs and delays in production proved clairvoyant.
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With the Vietnam War over, peace activists converged around the concept of peace conversion of the economy. Support for such levels of militarism, peace activists argued, meant higher taxes, inflation, less money for education, the environment, health care, mass transportation, and a dearth of resources to address problems plaguing the inner cities. To make peace conversion a reality, Massachusetts AFSC activist Peter Berrer envisioned a national campaign that would target a weapon system built by a corporation that produced both commercial and military parts, making the company subject to a consumer boycott.
Among these, however, was one Terry Provance. Between and , peace activists formed a sophisticated grassroots campaign. To help build enthusiasm for the campaign, activists planned on vigils nationwide. Activists sent letters to RI and GE requesting an audience. Whereas Rockwell proposed various meeting dates, GE denied all requests. When activists submitted two proxy resolutions for GE to take up at their shareholder meeting in , GE rejected them claiming they did not conform to the standards required by the Security and Exchange Commission SEC.
Inside, as activists attempted to introduce the resolution, they were met with boos and hisses. Activists nevertheless considered it a victory given how heavily skewed proxy procedures were in management's favor. Shareholder actions, however, had little value at the national level, and were mostly successful only in the regions where defense contractors held their meetings.
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In Washington, D. Beyond labor unions, the campaign created further alliances with a broad array of nonprofits. Peace organizations were a natural constituency. Arms control advocates and defense watchdogs lent their support, with the Center for Defense Information dedicating an issue of its quarterly publication The Defense Monitor to urge cancelation of the bomber. The unique coalition represented a cross section of influential interest groups and forged alliances with congressmen who sought to rein in defense spending and stop the arms race.
The coalition began work on a congressional strategy early with an eye toward key votes. The campaign formed an alliance with the Bipartisan Congress Members for Peace Through Law, while dozens of congressmen and their aides helped the coalition strategize and organize within the Congress. On April 8, , the House voted on the annual military appropriations bill.
It was the first chance to gather the sense of Congress on the military spending and the commitment to building the bomber. The Coalition lost a narrow vote. In Boston, Massachusetts, activists leafleted RI workers while working through local churches to bring in allies from the black community. From morning to early afternoon, activists remained in good spirits, chanting, marching, and singing, while others leafleted and spoke to passersby. After hours of discussion and a break, a core group of activists felt the conviction to use civil disobedience tactics.
At the federal district court the following day, all charges against the activists were dropped. Within two weeks of the demonstration, President Carter canceled the bomber. MOBE attracted prominent speakers from the peace and environmental movements, including pediatrician Benjamin Spock, ecologist Barry Commoner, antiwar Catholic priest Philip Berrigan, and Daniel Ellsberg, the former Pentagon war planner who became a household name after leaking the Pentagon Papers in Andrew E.
These local activists proposed a political action satisfactory to both peace activists and environmentalists: a national demonstration. On April 29 and 30, , thousands demonstrated at a commercial nuclear power plant in Barnwell, South Carolina, and at the Rocky Flats nuclear weapons facility. While the NWFTF was affiliated with MOBE during its first year, like other members of the MOBE coalition, it would soon branch out on its own, acting as a national source for activists to share information, tactics, and national publicity.
Day, Jr. On May 22, , approximately four thousand protesters marched on the naval base in Bangor, Washington. Two months later, fifteen thousand turned out to protest the Shoreham Nuclear Power Plant. In the fall of , activists protested the Trident submarine across the nation. The basing plan called formassive trucks to transport the MX between four thousand new concrete shelters along a racetrack in the deserts of Utah and Nevada. The objective of this shell game was to leave the Soviets guessing as to where the missile was at any precise moment, thus eliminating the possibility of a Soviet first strike on the American ICBM force.
By the summer of , however, opposition to the MX basing plan soared in Utah and Nevada, as residents worried about becoming the targets in a nuclear war. Moreover, the MX would be built on and adjacent to Native American treaty lands—yet not one tribal government was consulted. Politicians in Utah and Nevada recognized the power of public opinion. Hundreds of protests were held around the world, with many connecting nuclear power with nuclear weapons.
Peace activists from CALC jammed the White House phone lines requesting an emergency shutdown of all operating nuclear reactors, a moratorium on building new nuclear plants and nuclear weapons, job security for nuclear employees, and the rapid development of safe energy.
Caldicott was an activist in Australia where she was involved in campaigns to stop the French nuclear tests as well as campaigns to stop uranium mining. Norton and Company, Inc. In , the Boston Study Group, comprised of military analysts and scientists, published The Price of Defense , a study that called into question the values of the arms race and called for a forty percent reduction in military spending.